文档库 最新最全的文档下载
当前位置:文档库 › The rise of do-support in English implications for clause structure 0. Introduction

The rise of do-support in English implications for clause structure 0. Introduction

The rise of do-support in English implications for clause structure  0. Introduction
The rise of do-support in English implications for clause structure  0. Introduction

To appear in the proceedings of NELS 30

The rise of do-support in English: implications for clause structure*

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

University of Pennsylvania

0.Introduction

This paper presents an account of the statistical patterns in the development of do forms in various sentence types in English. Unlike previous works on the rise of do-support, our analysis takes into account the evolution of do-support in imperatives. We show that the development of do forms in negative imperatives cannot be explained with a clause structure that has only one INFL projection and one NegP, as in Roberts (1985) and Kroch (1989b). We therefore propose a more articulated clause structure, which we argue is already necessary to explain the syntax of Middle English infinitivals. We argue that the syntax of negative infinitivals in Middle English can be accounted for if we posit two possible syntactic positions for negation and an intermediate functional projection, which we assume to be an Aspect Phrase (AspP), between the two negation projections. This articulated clause structure enables us to distinguish two types of verb movement: movement over the lower negation and movement over the higher negation. We show that the patterns in the development of do-support in imperatives as well as in questions and negative declaratives can be explained if the loss of verb movement occurs in two steps in the history of English with the loss of the higher movement preceding the loss of the lower movement. For data relating to the development of do forms, we use an online version of Elleg?rd’s (1953) collection of clauses (Kroch and Taylor 1990). The source for the data relating to Middle English infinitivals is the Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Middle English (PPCME) (Kroch and Taylor 1994).

1.Previous accounts on the rise of do-support

In Present-day English, auxiliary do is required in yes-no questions, non-subject wh-questions, negative declaratives (i.e., those containing not) and in negative imperatives.

*We thank Alec Marantz, Mark Baltin and Rolf Noyer for helpful discussions. Thanks also to the participants in the Penn Historical Syntax seminar in Fall 1999.

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

(1) a.Did you finish? c.I did not finish.

b.What did you finish? d.Do not finish!

In early Modern English (ca.1500-ca.1700), the use of do in these contexts was variable but increased over time. Elleg?rd provides a quantitative study of the development of do forms in various sentence types using a collection of sentences extracted from texts ranging in time from late Middle English to the 18th century. Figure 1, from Elleg?rd (1953:162), plots the relative frequency of do forms in affirmative and negative declaratives, affirmative and negative questions, and negative imperatives, based on a sample of more than 10,000 tokens. After the middle of the 16th century, the frequency of do in (non-emphatic) affirmative declaratives declines steadily until, by 1700, the use of do in this environment is prohibited. The frequency of do in negative declaratives and in both affirmative and negative questions rises continuously until sometime after the 18th century, do becomes obligatory in these environments.

Figure 1: Percent of do forms in various sentence types (from Elleg?rd 1953:162)

According to a common analysis of Middle English (ca.1150-ca.1500), questions exhibit V-I-C movement and declaratives V-I movement. Supporting evidence for this analysis comes from word order facts: in questions the verb precedes the subject, as in (2a), and in declaratives the verb precedes not, as in (2b), and adverbs, as in (2c).

(2) a. Bileuest thou this thing? (The New Testament,Wycliffe XI,20.1033)

b. but he spack not one worde (Caxton’s History of Reynard the Fox 52.278)

c. Here men vndurstonden ofte by this nyght the nyght of synne.

h ere men understood often by this night the night of sin

(Wycliffite Sermons I,477.605)

The rise of do-support in English

According to Roberts (1985) and Kroch (1989b), English completely lost V-I movement for lexical verbs in the middle of the 16th century. When V-I movement was lost, only be, auxiliary have and the modal verbs (can, may, must, etc.) could appear in I0. Based on the behavior of indicative sentences, Roberts argues that the rise of do forms is a reflex of the loss of V-I movement. As V-I movement was lost, INFL lowering replaced it and so the verb came to remain in situ. In questions, the requirement that a verbal material move to C0 persists; thus, auxiliary do is inserted in I0 as a last resort device and then moves to C0. Examples of questions with do-support are given in (3).

(3) a. and wherfore doth the earth sustaine me? (304 25-24)

b. Dyd ye wryte this with your owne hande? (308 96-25)

In negative declaratives, negation blocks INFL lowering, stranding the material in I0. Again, auxiliary do is inserted in I0 to support the stranded material as a last resort device. Examples of negative declaratives with do-support are given in (4).

(4) a. They dyde not set theyr mynde on golde or rychesse. (305 35-23)

b. Christ dyd not praye for Iames and Iohan & for the other. (305 319-11)

If, however, English completely lost V-I movement in the middle of the 16th century, as Roberts and Kroch claim, we would expect to see categorical do-support in questions and negative declaratives at this point. But this is contrary to fact, as can be seen from Figure 1, a circumstance which has been used by Lightfoot (1993, 1999) to argue that V-I movement was actually lost much later in the history of English. But Kroch (1989) gives statistical evidence that there was a grammatical reanalysis in the middle of the 16th century. He shows that the rate of the rise of do forms in questions, negative declaratives and affirmative declaratives, is the same up to the middle of the 16th century. But after this period, the rise of do forms in these contexts shows different rates and different paths. In particular, the percentage of do forms in affirmative declaratives begins to decline at this point and the behavior of negative imperatives changes abruptly. Our goal in this paper is to find an analysis that reconciles Kroch’s findings with the fact that do-support is not categorical at the point of reanalysis.

3.Puzzle: the rise of do-support in imperatives

In Middle English, the imperative verb precedes the subject, as in (5).

(5) a. Naske ye of cunseil. b. Helpe thou me.

not-ask you of counsel help you me

(Ancrene Riwle 58.569) (The Earliest Prose Psalter 150.2290)

As in van Kemenade (1987), Pintzuk (1991), and Kroch and Taylor (1997), we assume that weak pronouns in Middle English occur at the CP/IP boundary. Thus, the fact that the imperative verb precedes the pronominal subject implies that the verb is located in C0.

In early Modern English, imperatives show the same word order as in Middle English. But imperatives with do-support are also attested. In imperatives with an overt

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

subject and with do-support, auxiliary do precedes the subject, as shown in (6). In imperatives with an overt subject but without do-support, the verb precedes the subject, as shown in (7). This word order fact suggests that do or the verb occupies C0.1

(6) a. but I will be your good lord, do you not doubt. (361 O:4-2-39)

b. Do you and your fellows attend them in. (361 M:5-1-106)

(7) a. And feare ye nott them which kyll the body (310 mt10-28)

b. Forbid ye hym not (310 lk9-50)

In Present-day English, negative imperatives require do-support. In negative imperatives with an overt subject, auxiliary do with contracted negation must precede the subject, as in (8).

(8) a. Don’t you worry.

b. Don’t anybody move

An affirmative imperative does not allow do-support unless it is emphatic. In an affirmative imperative with an overt subject, the subject must precede the verb, as (9) and (10).

(9) a. You come here!(10) a. Nobody move!

b. *Come you here! b. *Move nobody!

In emphatic affirmative imperatives with auxiliary do and an overt subject, do precedes the subject, as shown in (11).

(11) a. Do somebody open the window!

b. Do at least some of you show up!

In Present-day English imperatives, therefore, the data suggest that while auxiliary do is located in C0, the lexical verb is located lower in the clause.

Comparing the development of do forms in negative declaratives and negative imperatives poses an interesting puzzle. The development of do forms in the two contexts does not show the same pattern. As can be seen in Figure 1, up to the end of the 16th century the frequency of do in negative imperatives was as low as in affirmative declaratives. Then after 1600, the frequency of do in negative imperatives jumped to the much higher rate found in negative declaratives and subsequently the two negative environments evolved identically. If do-support is triggered when negation intervenes between V0and I0, it is puzzling why the development of do forms in negative imperatives patterns with negative declaratives only after 1600. Comparing the development of do forms in questions and imperatives raises another issue. In Middle English, both questions and imperatives had verb movement to C0. If do-support is triggered in questions as a reflex of the loss of V-I movement, as proposed in Roberts 1Early Modern English examples in this paper are taken from the sources in Ellegard (1953). They are identified with Ellegard’s numbering system: (source number:page number:line number).

The rise of do-support in English

(1985) and Kroch (1989b), then we expect to see imperatives pattern with questions with respect to the development of do forms. However, as can be seen in Figure 1, the rate of use of do forms in negative imperatives is much lower than in questions at all periods prior to the completion of the change. It is only after 1700 that the rate of use of do forms in negative imperatives catches up with the rate in questions. As for affirmative imperatives with do forms, their frequency is extremely low, never exceeding 1% according to Elleg?rd (1953). In Present-day English, although do-support is required in negative imperatives, it is not allowed in non-emphatic affirmative imperatives. If both questions and imperatives had verb movement to C0, it is unclear why there should be this asymmetry in the development of do forms in questions and imperatives

4.Infinitivals in Middle English

Before addressing the issues raised in the preceding sections, we discuss a new set of data from Middle English negative infinitivals. We will show that this data provides evidence for a certain inventory and positioning of functional projections in English clause structure and that the questions raised in sections 2 and 3 can be answered if the proposed clause structure is adopted.

4.1.Infinitive verb and negation

In negative infinitivals, Middle English allowed both ‘not-to-verb’ order (as in (12)) and ‘to-verb-not’ order (as in (13)).

(12)not-to-verb

a. that sche wuld vwche-save nowth to labowre agens yw in this matere

that she would promise not to labour against you in this matter

tyl ye kom hom

u ntil you come home (Paston Letters 221.310)

b. that they that ben sike of hir body ben worthy to ben hated but rather

that they that are sick of their body are worthy to be hated but rather

worthy of pite wel more worthy nat to ben hated

worthy of pity even more worthy not to be hated

(Chaucer’s Boethius 449.C2.379)

(13)to-verb-not

a. to sorow noght for hys syn as he sulde do

t o sorrow not for his sin as he should do (Rolle’s Form of Living 99.260)

b. And herfore monye men vson wel to come not in bedde with

and therefore many men are-accustomed well to come not in bed with

schetis, but be hulude aboue the bed

sheets but be covered above the bed (Wycliffite Sermons I,479.641)

Table 1 provides the number of infinitivals with ‘to-verb-not’ and ‘not-to-verb’order throughout Middle English. There are no tokens in early Middle English because the prevalent way of forming sentential negation in these periods was with ne, which procliticizes to the verb. In Old English, sentential negation was formed with ne alone.

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

Then in Middle English, both ne and not came to be used (often together), until ne is completely replaced by not in late Middle English.

not-to-verb to-verb-not

1150-125000

1250-135000

1350-1420104

1420-1500410

Table 1: ‘not-to-verb’ and ‘to-verb-not’ order in negative infinitivals

According to Frisch (1997), not in Middle English is either a VP-adjoined adverbial or a sentential negative. Let us assume that the infinitive marker to originates and stays in a fixed position, namely I0, and that not originates and stays in a fixed position lower than I0, as in (14).

(14)[IP [I to ] [NegP not [VP ...verb...]]]

(15)[NegP not [IP [I to ] [VP ...verb...]]]

Given the phrase structure in (14), the word order ‘to-verb-not’ can be derived only if the verb moves across not and right-adjoins to I0. But this is an unattractive solution in that we are forced to admit right-adjunction in syntax. Moreover, the phrase structure in (14) cannot derive the word order ‘not-to-verb’. Alternatively, if to is in I0 and not originates and stays in a fixed position higher than I0, as in (15), then the word order ‘not-to–verb’can be derived; but there is no way to derive the word order ‘to-verb-not’ with this phrase structure.

4.2.Two positions for negation

To accommodate both the ‘to-verb-not’ and the ‘not-to-verb’ orders in Middle English, we adopt the proposals in Zanuttini (1991, 1997) and Baltin (1993) that there are two possible positions for negation in the clause structure of English.2In particular, we propose to adopt a clause structure as in (16) for English. We assume that while in tensed clauses TP projects as the highest functional projection, infinitivals are not tensed and so do not project TP (as in Baltin 1993).

2 See Zanuttini (1991, 1997), Baltin (1993), Han (in press) for motivations for two positions for negation in Present-day English.

The rise of do-support in English

We further assume that infinitive to is in a functional head that hosts mood features, M 0.This makes sense given that the subjunctive is replaced in several contexts by to -infinitives in the history of English. We also have syntactic evidence from Baltin for placing to in a head below T 0. He notes that negation can never precede finite auxiliaries,as shown in (17). If finite auxiliaries are in T 0 and Neg 0 is below T 0, then it follows that negation cannot precede the auxiliary.

(17) a. *John not will leave.

(18) a. Not to leave ...b. John will not leave b. To not leave ...

But in infinitivals, to can either follow or precede negation, as in (18). Baltin argues that if to is in a head below T 0 and below the higher Neg 0 (which is equivalent to our M 0 in

(16)), the word order in (18a) is derived. The word order in (18b) is derived with the lower negation, which is below our MP.

Along the same lines, we place the high negation immediately above MP. This derives the word order ‘not-to -verb’ in Middle English infinitivals. We also posit that there is an intervening functional projection, which we assume to be an Aspect Phrase,that encodes (im)perfectivity, between MP and VP, and that the low negation is below AspP (see Cinque (1999) for arguments that AspP is quite low in the clause structure).

4.3.Infinitive verb movement

Given the phrase structure in (16), we can now account for the ‘to -verb-not ’ order in Middle English by the movement of the verb over the lower negation to Asp 0. With this analysis, then, we expect to find cases in which the infinitive verb precedes not and not in turn precedes a participle or a direct object. Such cases can be found in the PPCME, as illustrated in (19) and (20).

(19)to -verb-not -participle

a. and said mayster parson, I praye you to be not displeasyd ...

a nd said master parson I pray you to be not displeased ...

(Caxton’s Prologues and Epilogues 88.176)

(16)

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

b. Ha! What it es mykell to be worthi lovyng and be noght loved!

ha what it is much to be worth loving and be not loved

(Rolle’s Form of Living 88.52)

(20)to-verb-not-direct object

a. to conforme noght his will to Gods will, to gyf noght entent till hes prayers

t o conform not his will to God’s will, to give not heed to his prayers

(Rolle’s Form of Living 99.263)

b. and to spille not oure tyme, be it short be it long at Goddis ordynaunce.

a nd to waste not our time, be it short be it long at God’s ordinance

(Purvey’s Prologue to the Bible I,56.73)

A widely accepted diagnostic for verb movement is adverb placement with respect to the verb. In Middle English finite clauses, adverbs such as often and ever usually follow the tensed verb, as was shown in (2c). If these adverbs are VP-adjoined, then the fact that the tensed verbs precede the adverbs suggests that the verb moves over the adverb. In Middle English infinitival clauses, adverbs can also follow the infinitive, as shown in (21). This suggests that Middle English infinitive verbs also undergo movement.

(21) a. Monye men han a maner to ete ofte for to drynke

m any men have a manner to eat often in-order to drink

(Wycliffite Sermons I,478.631)

b. the othur was that God wold geue hur that grace, to hur that was the

the other was that God would give her that grace, to her that was the

modur of God to do euer plesaund seruyse to God.

mother of God to do always pleasing service to God

(Sermons from the MS Royal 256.260)

5.Sequential loss of verb movement

If we assume the articulated clause structure proposed here, we can imagine two different ways in which the loss of verb movement can proceed: (i) the loss of V-Asp movement, and M-T movement occur simultaneously; (ii) the loss of M-T movement historically precedes the loss of V-Asp movement. In the rest of section 5, we will show that possibility (ii) makes the correct predictions for the overall statistical patterns shown in Figure 1: the loss of M-T movement begins at the beginning of the 15th century, going to completion around 1575; and the loss of V-Asp movement begins at the end of the 16th century. We take Kroch’s (1989b) findings that the Constant Rate Effects is attested in the rise of do-support up to 1575 as evidence for the complete loss of M-T movement at 1575, which results in grammatical reanalysis.

What about Asp-M movement? We assume that in tensed clauses M0 has weak feature content and so does not induce overt movement. But in tensed clauses in Middle English, when T0attracts the verb, the verb moves through M0on its way to T0 even though M0itself is not an attractor. When M-T movement is lost, Asp-M movement disappears as well. On the other hand, the feature content of M0 in Middle English

The rise of do-support in English

imperatives seems to be strong (see section 5.3.3). The discussion below presents our evidence for the hypothesis that the loss of M-T movement precedes the loss of V-Asp movement in the history of English, after a sketch of a mechanism for do-support.

5.1.Do-support in Present-day English

The facts of do-support are: (i) it is required in questions (except for subject wh-questions) and negative declaratives for lexical verbs, but prohibited for be and auxiliary verbs; (ii) it is prohibited in (non-emphatic) affirmative declaratives. The explanations for these facts in the literature are largely based on the assumption that auxiliary verbs and be undergo overt movement to INFL (which is equivalent to T0in the clause structure in (16)), but lexical verbs do not. We see this asymmetry as meaning that be and auxiliary verbs undergo category movement to T0, but for lexical verbs, only their formal features move. In questions, a verbal element must move to C0. Auxiliary verbs in questions undergo category movement to T0 and then they further move to C0. On the other hand, lexical verbs are stuck in situ. As a last resort, do is inserted in Asp0and moves through M0and T0to C0to check the appropriate features. In negative declaratives, we stipulate that negation blocks pure feature movement, and so for lexical verbs do is inserted in Asp0 as a last resort and it moves through M0 to T0. Negation does not block category movement, however, and so auxiliary verbs do not require do-support (hence prohibiting it for reasons of economy). Affirmative declaratives do not require do-support for either auxiliary or lexical verbs since there is nothing that blocks feature movement or category movement.3 One question that arises under this account is why negation blocks pure feature movement but not category movement. Here, we refer the readers to Chomsky (1989), Roberts (1993) and Bobaljik (1993) for possible answers. For the purposes of this paper it does not matter which particular line is adopted.

5.2.Development of do-support in negative declarative

As shown in Figure 1, by 1575, the frequency of do forms in negative declaratives is about 40%, not 100%. Given the articulated clause structure proposed here, the verb in declaratives in Middle English moves all the way up to T0. When M-T movement is lost, the verb undergoes category movement only up to Asp0, and then its features move to T0. But in negative declaratives formed with higher negation, the feature movement is blocked by negation. Hence, do-support is required. Moreover, all negative declaratives, whether formed with higher or lower negation, require do-support when V-Asp movement is lost because as V-Asp movement is lost, only features of the verb move through Asp0 and M0 to T0. Note that low negation will block feature movement to Asp0 and high negation will block feature movement to T0. If the loss of M-T movement begins at the beginning of the 15th century, we expect to find do-support in negative declaratives well before 1575. And if the loss of V-Asp movement does not begin until the end of the 16th century, we do not expect to find 100% do-support in negative declaratives in that century. We expect to find categorical do-support in negative declaratives only after the loss of V-Asp movement goes to completion, which happens later.

3 For a more detailed account of the mechanism involved in do-support, see Kroch and Han (in prep.).

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

5.3.Development of do-support in imperatives

5.3.1.Verb movement in imperatives

Imperative verbs lack tense in their morphological makeup, just as infinitives do. We take this to mean that TP does not project at all in imperatives, as represented in (22). (22)[CP [C ] [MP [M ] [AspP [Asp ] [VP ... [V ] ... ]]]]

Supporting evidence for this representation comes from the fact that modal verbs (must, can, might, should , etc.) cannot occur in imperatives. If modals are merged in T0 and if imperatives do not project Tense Phrase, then we expect modal verbs to be barred from imperatives. Since the imperative verb surfaces in C0 in Middle English, adopting the phrase structure in (22) implies that the imperative verb moves to Asp0 and M0 and then to C0. We assume that C0 in Middle English imperatives contains an imperative force operator which requires category movement of the verb. We further assume that M0 in Middle English imperatives has an imperative mood feature which also requires category movement of the verb, unlike the mood features in tensed clauses.4 Under this analysis, imperatives are similar to infinitivals in that the verb moves to Asp0, but they differ in that the verb moves on further to M0 and then to C0.

5.3.2.Do-support in negative imperatives

Recall from Figure 1 that do forms are almost non-existent in negative imperatives before the end of the 16th century, but gain ground rapidly after 1600, which is much later than when the rise of do forms in negative declaratives begins. We propose that the rise of do forms in negative imperatives is a reflex of the loss of V-Asp movement, which begins at the end of the 16th century. The absence of T0 in imperatives means that the loss of M-T movement has no consequences for the development of do forms in negative imperatives; and so, during the period in which M-T movement is being lost, the verb in imperatives will continue to move to C0. But the loss of V-Asp movement does have direct consequences for the development of do forms in negative imperatives.5As V-Asp movement disappears, the imperative mood feature in M0and the imperative force operator in C0 become weak, replacing category verb movement to M0and to C0with feature movements. But when Asp0 and V0 are separated by low negation, do-support is required as a last resort device, since this low negation blocks feature movement from V0 to M0. Do is inserted in Asp0, and then it moves up to C0, deriving do-(subject)-not-verb order, as represented in (23). At this point, given that low negation does not block feature movement from M0 to C0, one may expect just the features in M0 to move to C0, leaving behind the lexical material of do in M0. We assume that do in imperatives is a spell-out of features in M0 and so, when all the features in M0 move to C0, the lexical

4 See Han (1998) for motivations for positing both a mood feature and a force operator for imperatives.

5Another difference between negative declaratives and negative imperatives has to do with the development of do forms with be and auxiliary have. While negative imperatives require do-support with these verbs, negative declaratives prohibit it. See Han (in press) for an explanation.

The rise of do-support in English

material of do is pied-piped along. Examples of negative imperatives with do-support are given in (24).

(23)[CP [C do i ] [MP [M t i ] [AspP [Asp t i ] [NegP [Neg not ] [VP ...verb...]]]]]

(24) a. Do not send me any letters (363 W:212a-33)

b. but I will be your good lord, do you not doubt. (361 O:4-2-39)

The loss of V-Asp movement requires do-support in negative imperatives with higher negation as well. When negation intervenes between M0 and C0, it blocks feature movement to C0, and so do-support is again required. In the spirit of Baltin (1993), high negation is a clitic that must adjoin onto an adjacent verbal element. Thus, in negative imperatives with do-support and high negation, auxiliary do and negation move to C0 as a unit, deriving the ‘do-not-(subject)-verb’ order as illustrated in (25).

(25) a. Good brother, do not you envy my fortunate achievement. (361 W:3-1-86)

b. Don’t read this, you little rogue, with your little eyes; (379 61-20)

5.3.3.Do-support in affirmative imperatives

When English lost verb movement for lexical verbs, questions, which require overt verb movement to C0, resorted to do-support. Since imperatives also show overt verb movement to C0, we expect the development of do forms in affirmative imperatives to pattern with questions. However, the relative frequency of do forms of affirmative imperatives has never exceeded 1%. In Present-day English, do forms are restricted to emphatic affirmative imperatives. We interpret this situation to mean that in imperatives, as V-Asp movement was lost, the imperative force operator in C0also lost the requirement that an overt verbal element surface in C0. That is, as stated in section 5.3.2, the imperative operator in C0 becomes weak and so only the features in M0 move to C0 in affirmative imperatives. This is possible since there is no negation to block feature movement.

5.4.The difference in the rise of do-support between questions and negative

declaratives

Figure 1 shows that do-support was much more frequent in questions than in negative declaratives. This difference in frequency can also be explained by our hypothesis that the loss of M-T movement precedes the loss of V-Asp movement. In questions, the loss of M-T movement leads to do-support, and do moves to C0. On the other hand, in negative declaratives, the loss of M-T movement does not entirely correlate with the development of do-support because negative declaratives have two possible analyses; that is, a negative declarative can be formed with negation either in the higher NegP (as in (26a)) or the lower NegP position (as in (26b)). During the period in which M-T movement is being lost and before the period in which the loss of V-Asp movement begins, if (26a) is chosen, then do-support is required, and if (26b) is chosen, then it is not. This explains why the frequency of do forms in negative declaratives is much lower than in questions before 1600. When V-Asp movement is lost after 1600, the analyses in

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

both (26a) and (26b) require do-support and so the frequency of do forms in negative declaratives rises rapidly.

(26) a. [TP [T ] [NegP [Neg ] [MP [M ] [AspP [Asp ] [VP ...verb...]]]]]

b. [TP [T ] [MP [M ] [AspP [Asp ] [NegP [Neg ] [VP ...verb...]]]]]

6.Further considerations

6.1.Development of ‘never–verb’ order

In Middle English, weak adverbs such as never and always occur after the lexical verb, whereas in Present-day English they occur before the lexical verb. The change in the adverb placement is standardly taken to be a reflex of the loss of verb movement.

(27) a. Quene Ester looked never with swich an eye. (Chaucer’s Merchant’s Tale:1744)

b. Queen Esther never looked with such an eye

Elleg?rd noticed this change in the adverb placement and provides quantitative data on the position of the adverb never with respect to the lexical verb. According to his data, the frequency of ‘never-verb’ order is close to 95% by 1575. Since at this point the lexical verb still moves up to Asp0 (Asp-M movement is lost in conjunction with the loss of M-T movement), ‘never-verb’ order can be derived by placing never in between TP and AspP, presumably adjoining it to MP or AspP. Given that ‘never-verb’ order reaches almost 95% when the lexical verb can only move up to Asp0, the position of never is predominantly between TP and AspP. Also, the fact that there is 5% of ‘verb-never’order at 1575 implies that in 5% of cases, never occurs below AspP. After the loss of V-Asp movement goes to completion, ‘verb-never’ order disappears entirely.

6.2.Direct Asp-C movement in questions

We have been assuming that the loss of M-T movement goes to completion at 1575. But then it remains unexplained why questions do not reach 100% do-support at this point. Moreover, a related question arises as to why negative questions have more do-support than affirmative questions all through the period of change.

In a series of works on syntactic change, Kroch develops a model that accounts for the gradual replacement of one form by another form (Kroch 1989a, 1989b; see also Pintzuk 1991, Santorini 1992, Taylor 1994). According to Kroch, the gradual change in the relative frequencies of two forms is a reflex of the competition between two grammars, rather than a series of grammatical reanalyses. In particular, Kroch argues that the statistical pattern in the development of do forms reflects the competition between an old grammar that has V-I movement for lexical verbs and a new one that has lost it. In time, the grammar without V-I movement wins, at the expense of the grammar that has V-I movement. In this section, extending Kroch's grammar competition model, we present a possible scenario of change that explains the statistical patterns in development of do-support in questions.

The rise of do-support in English

At the beginning of the 15th century, the competition between the old grammar with M-T movement and the new grammar without M-T movement begins. In the new grammar without M-T movement, the verb moves up to Asp0 since we assume that M-Asp movement is lost in conjunction with the loss of M-T movement. Moreover, the requirement that a verbal element move to C0 in questions persists in the new grammar. Thus, the learner will come to have evidence that although T0 cannot be a landing site for lexical verbs, C0 must have a verbal element in questions. We postulate that two new grammatical options develop: (i) do-support, where do is inserted, presumably in M0, moving through T0 to C0 and (ii) direct Asp-C category movement in conjunction with feature movement to C0.

Although positing a verb movement that skips over intermediate heads may seem strange, it has been argued by Platzack and Holmberg (1990) that such verb movement must be a possible option in Universal Grammar. They give evidence that among the Germanic languages that have verb-object order, direct V-C movement is possible in exactly those that do not have V-I raising. They correlate the absence of V-I raising to the lack of agreement morphology and argue that when agreement is absent, INFL neither provides a landing site for the verb nor blocks movement to C0. In particular, they conclude that direct V-C movement must be taking place in main clauses in modern mainland Scandinavian, given that embedded clauses show no verb movement but in main clauses the verb must move to C0 (Verb-second). Under Platzack and Holmberg’s analysis, in early Modern English (which has verb-object order), as M-T movement was lost, direct Asp-C movement in questions should have been a possible analysis due to the weakness of English agreement inflection.

In this scenario, competition between three grammars will take place in English questions throughout the change: (i) a grammar with M-T movement, (ii) a grammar without M-T movement and with do-support and (iii) a grammar without M-T movement and with direct Asp-C movement. Around 1575, the two grammars without M-T movement win at the expense of the grammar with M-T movement, and sometime after the 16th century, the grammar with do-support wins at the expense of the grammar with direct Asp-C movement in questions.

We are now in a position to give an account of the patterns in the development of do-support in questions. Even though the loss of M-T movement has gone to completion at 1575, affirmative questions do not reach 100% do-support, because the grammar with direct Asp-C movement is active at this period. That is, affirmative questions without do-support are not reflexes of M-T movement but of direct Asp-C movement. More specifically, the affirmative questions without do-support at this period have direct Asp-C verb movement satisfying the requirement that in questions C0 contain a verbal element, in conjunction with feature movement to satisfy the requirement that inflectional features be checked by a verb (along the lines of Chomsky 1995).

Our scenario can also explain the fact that do-support in negative questions is always higher than in affirmative questions, but still does not reach 100% until after 1575. The direct Asp-C movement option is not available in negative questions formed with higher negation, since feature movement would be blocked by the higher negation.

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

Because only negative questions with lower negation can exhibit direct Asp-C movement, negative questions show a relatively high frequency of do-support, reaching 90% by 1575.

Clearly, Modern English questions do not allow direct movement of tensed lexical verbs to C0, so the direct movement option has been lost. A possible explanation as to why the do-support option wins at the expense of the direct verb movement option is that all negative questions, once V-Asp movement is lost, will require do-support. Perhaps there was a tendency toward using a unified question formation mechanism which led to do-support winning out.

7.Conclusion

We have argued that the syntax of Middle English infinitivals can be explained if we allow two possible positions for negation and an intermediate functional projection, which we assume to be an aspect phrase (AspP), between the mood phrase (MP) and the verb phrase (VP). Furthermore, we have been able to account for the patterns of do-support in various sentence types based on this articulated clause structure. In particular, we have shown how the development of do-support in negative imperatives can be treated as a reflex of the loss of V-Asp movement. That is, as V-Asp movement is lost, only the features on the imperative verb move to C0. In negative imperatives, do-support is required as a last resort device because negation blocks pure feature movement. We have also shown how the differences and similarities attested in the statistical patterns of the development of do forms among imperatives, questions, and declaratives can be explained if the loss of M-T movement precedes the loss of V-Asp movement in the history of English.

References

Baltin, Mark. 1993. Negation and clause structure. Paper presented at North Eastern Linguistics Society 23. Ms., New York University.

Bobaljik, Jonathan. 1995. Morphosyntax: the Syntax of Verbal Inflection. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.

Chomsky, Noam. 1991. Some notes on economy of derivation and representation. In Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar, ed. Robert Freidin.

Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA, London: The MIT Press.

Cinque, Guglielmo. 1999. Adverbs and Functional Heads: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective. Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Elleg?rd, Alvar. 1953. The Auxiliary Do: the Establishment and Regulation of its Use in English, volume II of Gothenburg Studies in English. Stockholm, Almqvist, Wiksell: G?teborg.

Frisch, Stefan. 1997. The change in negation in Middle English: a NEGP licensing account. Lingua 101:21-64.

The rise of do-support in English

Han, Chung-hye. In press. The evolution of do-support in English imperatives. In Diachronic Syntax: Models and Mechanisms, ed. Susan Pintzuk, George Tsoulas, and Anthony Warner. Oxford University Press.

Han, Chung-hye. 1998. The Structure and Interpretation of Imperatives: Mood and Force in Universal Grammar. Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. [To be published by Garland, New York.]

Kroch, Anthony. 1989a. Function and grammar in the history of English periphrastic do.

In Language Variation and Change, ed. R. Fasold, and D. Schiffrin. Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 52. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: Benjamins.

Kroch, Anthony. 1989b. Reflexes of grammar in patterns of language change. Language Variation and Change 1:199-244.

Kroch, Anthony, and Ann Taylor, 1995. The Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Middle English. Philadelphia: Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania. Kroch, Anthony, and Ann Taylor. 1997. Verb movement in Old and Middle English: dialect variation and language contact. In Parameters of Morphosyntactic Change, ed. Ans van Kemenade, and Nigel Vincent. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lightfoot, David. 1993. Why UG needs a learning theory: triggering verb movement. In Historical Linguistics: Problems and Perspectives, ed. C. Jones. London: Longman.

Lightfoot, David. 1999. The Development of Language: Acquisition, Change and Evolution. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

Pintzuk, S., 1991. Phrase Structures in Competition: Variation and Change in Old English Word Order. Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Platzack, Christer, and Anders Holmberg. 1989. The role of AGR and finiteness in some European VO languages. Paper presented at the 1989 GLOW Colloquium, Utrecht.

Roberts, Ian. 1985. Agreement parameters and the development of English modal auxiliaries. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 3:21-58.

Roberts, Ian. 1993. Verbs and Diachronic Syntax: a Comparative History of English and French. Dordrecht, Boston, London: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Santorini, Beatrice. 1992. Variation and change in Yiddish subordinate clause word order. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 10:596-640.

Taylor, Ann. 1994. The change from SOV to SVO in Ancient Greek. Language Variation and Change 6:1-37.

Zanuttini, Raffaella. 1991. Syntactic Properties of Sentential Negation: a Comparative Study of Romance Languages. Doctroal dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Zanuttini, Raffaella. 1997. Negation and Clausal Structure: a Comparative Study of Romance Languages. Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

IRCS/Department of Linguistics

University of Pennsylvania

Philadelphia, PA 19104

chunghye@https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,

kroch@https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,

Chung-hye Han and Anthony Kroch

英语中的比较级与最高级 详解

比较级与最高级 1.as...as 与(not) as(so)...as as...as...句型中,as的词性 第一个as是副词,用在形容词和副词的原级前,常译为“同样地”。第二个as是连词,连接与前面句子结构相同的一个句子(相同部分常省略),可译为“同..... He is as tall as his brother is (tall) . (后面的as 为连词) 只有在否定句中,第一个as才可换为so 改错: He is so tall as his brother.(X) 2.在比较状语从句中,主句和从句的句式结构一般是相同的 与as...as 句式中第二个as一样,than 也是连词。as和than这两个连词后面的从句的结构与前面的句子大部分情况下结构是相同的,相同部分可以省略。 He picked more apples than she did. 完整的表达为: He picked more apples than she picked apples. 后而的picked apples和前面相同,用did 替代。 He walked as slowly as she did.完整表达为: He walked as slowly as she walked slowly. she后面walked slowly与前面相同,用did替代。

3.谓语的替代 在as和than 引导的比较状语从句中,由于句式同前面 主句相同,为避免重复,常把主句中出现而从句中又出现的动词用do的适当形式来代替。 John speaks German as fluently as Mary does. 4.前后的比较对象应一致 不管后面连词是than 还是as,前后的比较对象应一致。The weather of Beijing is colder than Guangzhou. x than前面比较对象是“天气”,than 后面比较对象是“广州”,不能相比较。应改为: The weather of Bejing is colder than that of Guangzhou. 再如: His handwriting is as good as me. 应改为: His handwriting is as good as mine. 5.可以修饰比较级的词 常用来修饰比较级的词或短语有: Much,even,far,a little,a lot,a bit,by far,rather,any,still,a great deal等。 by far的用法: 用于强调,意为“...得多”“最最...”“显然”等,可修饰形容词或副词的比较级和最高级,通常置于其后,但是若比较级或最高级前有冠词,则可置于其前或其后。

五年级上册成语解释及近义词反义词和造句大全.doc

五年级上册成语解释及近义词反义词和造句大全 囫囵吞枣;【解释】:囫囵:整个儿。把枣整个咽下去,不加咀嚼,不辨味道。比喻对事物不加分析考虑。【近义词】:不求甚解【反义词】融会贯穿[造句];学习不能囫囵吞枣而是要精益求精 不求甚解;bùqiúshènjiě【解释】:甚:专门,极。只求明白个大概,不求完全了解。常指学习或研究不认真、不深入【近义词】:囫囵吞枣【反义词】:精益求精 造句;1;在学习上,我们要理解透彻,不能不求甚解 2;学习科学文化知识要刻苦钻研,深入领会,不能粗枝大叶,不求甚解。 千篇一律;【解释】:一千篇文章都一个样。指文章公式化。也比喻办事按一个格式,专门机械。 【近义词】:千人一面、如出一辙【反义词】:千差万别、形形色色 造句;学生旳作文千篇一律,专门少能有篇与众不同旳,这确实是平常旳练习太少了。 倾盆大雨;qīngpéndàyǔ【解释】:雨大得象盆里旳水直往下倒。形容雨大势急。 【近义词】:大雨如柱、大雨滂沱【反义词】:细雨霏霏牛毛细雨 造句;3月旳天说变就变,瞬间下了一场倾盆大雨。今天下了一场倾盆大雨。 坚决果断;áobùyóuyù:意思;做事果断,专门快拿定了主意,一点都不迟疑,形容态度坚决 近义词;不假思索斩钉截铁反义词;犹豫不决 造句;1看到小朋友落水,司马光坚决果断地搬起石头砸缸。2我坚决果断旳承诺了她旳要求。 饥肠辘辘jīchánglùlù【近义词】:饥不择食【反义词】:丰衣足食 造句;1我放学回家已是饥肠辘辘。2那个饥肠辘辘旳小孩差不多两天没吃饭了 滚瓜烂熟gǔnguālànshóu〔shú)【解释】:象从瓜蔓上掉下来旳瓜那样熟。形容读书或背书流利纯熟。【近义词】:倒背如流【反义词】:半生半熟造句;1、这篇课文我们早已背得滚瓜烂熟了 流光溢彩【liúguāngyìcǎi】解释;光影,满溢旳色彩,形容色彩明媚 造句:国庆节,商场里装饰旳流光溢彩。 津津有味;jīnjīnyǒuwèi解释:兴趣浓厚旳模样。指吃得专门有味道或谈得专门有兴趣。 【近义词】:兴致勃勃有滋有味【反义词】:索然无味、枯燥无味 造句;1今天旳晚餐真丰富,小明吃得津津有味。 天长日久;tiānchángrìjiǔ【解释】:时刻长,生活久。【近义词】:天长地久【反义词】:稍纵即逝 造句:小缺点假如不立即改掉, 天长日久就会变成坏适应 如醉如痴rúzuìrúchī【解释】:形容神态失常,失去自制。【近义词】:如梦如醉【反义词】:恍然大悟造句;这么美妙旳音乐,我听得如醉如痴。 浮想联翩【fúxiǎngliánpiān解释】:浮想:飘浮不定旳想象;联翩:鸟飞旳模样,比喻连续不断。指许许多多旳想象不断涌现出来。【近义词】:思绪万千 造句;1他旳话让人浮想联翩。2:这幅画饱含诗情,使人浮想联翩,神游画外,得到美旳享受。 悲欢离合bēihuānlíhé解释;欢乐、离散、聚会。泛指生活中经历旳各种境遇和由此产生旳各种心情【近义词】:酸甜苦辣、喜怒哀乐【反义词】:平淡无奇 造句;1人一辈子即是悲欢离合,总要笑口常开,我们旳生活才阳光明媚. 牵肠挂肚qiānchángguàdù【解释】:牵:拉。形容十分惦念,放心不下 造句;儿行千里母担忧,母亲总是那个为你牵肠挂肚旳人 如饥似渴rújīsìkě:形容要求专门迫切,仿佛饿了急着要吃饭,渴了急着要喝水一样。 造句;我如饥似渴地一口气读完这篇文章。他对知识旳如饥似渴旳态度造就了他今天旳成功。 不言而喻bùyánéryù【解释】:喻:了解,明白。不用说话就能明白。形容道理专门明显。 【近义词】:显而易见【反义词】:扑朔迷离造句;1珍惜时刻,好好学习,那个道理是不言而喻旳 与众不同;yǔzhòngbùtóng【解释】:跟大伙不一样。 〖近义词〗别出心裁〖反义词〗平淡无奇。造句; 1从他与众不同旳解题思路中,看出他专门聪慧。2他是个与众不同旳小孩

好听的英文歌词

As long as I can dream I watch the leaves fall to the ground , suddently we belled the sun.I carried on the season down.As time’s surrendered then to now,they said nothings go chemister.But hope won’t fade away,This is only that I can dream I know.When winter went to very springwe know.And that ‘s the life inside all me.As long as I can dream.The sun will say I am moving rise.Now I’d exported the simple lines.the stars brights before my eyes. Never mind it in my life.this is only that I can dream I know.when winter went to spring we know ,And that’s the life inside all me.as long as I can dream .I close my eyes make a wish,what the way go heres from theres.All I need is a room and the time my through.Like a girl always in the green.And this is only that I can dream I know . when winter went to spring we know ,And that’s the life inside all me.as long as I can dream.As long as I can dream I’ll show there is nowhere that this heart can go,wherever faces is there hopely,As long as I can dream. I believe I can fly I used to think that I could not go on.And life nothing

The way常见用法

The way 的用法 Ⅰ常见用法: 1)the way+ that 2)the way + in which(最为正式的用法) 3)the way + 省略(最为自然的用法) 举例:I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. Ⅱ习惯用法: 在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,“the way+ 从句”实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰整个句子。 1)The way =as I am talking to you just the way I’d talk to my own child. He did not do it the way his friends did. Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are—all we have to do is to clean and peel them. 2)The way= according to the way/ judging from the way The way you answer the question, you are an excellent student. The way most people look at you, you’d think trash man is a monster. 3)The way =how/ how much No one can imagine the way he missed her. 4)The way =because

英语中的比较级和最高级

大多数形容词有三种形式,原级,比较级和最高级, 以表示形容词说明的性质在程度上的不同。 形容词的原级: 形容词的原级形式就是词典中出现的形容词的原形。例如: poor tall great glad bad 形容词的比较级和最高级: 形容词的比较级和最高级形式是在形容词的原级形式的基础上变化的。分为规则变化和不规则变化。 规则变化如下: 1) 单音节形容词的比较级和最高级形式是在词尾加 -er 和 -est 构成。 great (原级) (比较级) (最高级) 2) 以 -e 结尾的单音节形容词的比较级和最高级是在词尾加 -r 和 -st 构成。wide (原级) (比较级) (最高级) 3)少数以-y, -er, -ow, -ble结尾的双音节形容词的比较级和最高级是在词尾加 -er 和 -est 构成。 clever(原级) (比较级) (最高级) 4) 以 -y 结尾,但 -y 前是辅音字母的形容词的比较级和最高级是把 -y 去掉,加上 -ier 和-est 构成. happy (原形) (比较级) (最高级) 5) 以一个辅音字母结尾其前面的元音字母发短元音的形容词的比较级和最高级是双写该辅音字母然后再加 -er和-est。 big (原级) (比较级) (最高级) 6) 双音节和多音节形容词的比较级和最高级需用more 和 most 加在形容词前面来构成。 beautiful (原级) (比较级) (比较级) difficult (原级) (最高级) (最高级) 常用的不规则变化的形容词的比较级和最高级: 原级------比较级------最高级 good------better------best many------more------most much------more------most bad------worse------worst far------farther, further------farthest, furthest 形容词前如加 less 和 least 则表示"较不"和"最不 形容词比较级的用法: 形容词的比较级用于两个人或事物的比较,其结构形式如下: 主语+谓语(系动词)+ 形容词比较级+than+ 对比成分。也就是, 含有形容词比较级的主句+than+从句。注意从句常常省去意义上和主句相同的部分, 而只剩下对比的成分。

悲惨的近义词反义词和造句

悲惨的近义词反义词和造句 导读:悲惨的近义词 悲凉(注释:悲哀凄凉:~激越的琴声。) 悲惨的反义词 幸福(注释:个人由于理想的实现或接近而引起的一种内心满足。追求幸福是人们的普遍愿望,但剥削阶级把个人幸福看得高于一切,并把个人幸福建立在被剥削阶级的痛苦之上。无产阶级则把争取广大人民的幸福和实现全人类的解放看作最大的幸福。认为幸福不仅包括物质生活,也包括精神生活;个人幸福依赖集体幸福,集体幸福高于个人幸福;幸福不仅在于享受,而主要在于劳动和创造。) 悲惨造句 1.一个人要发现卓有成效的真理,需要千百个人在失败的探索和悲惨的错误中毁掉自己的生命。 2.贝多芬的童年尽管如是悲惨,他对这个时代和消磨这时代的地方,永远保持着一种温柔而凄凉的回忆。 3.卖火柴的小女孩在大年夜里冻死了,那情景十分悲惨。 4.他相信,他们每个人背后都有一个悲惨的故事。 5.在那次悲惨的经历之后,我深信自己绝对不是那种可以离家很远的人。 6.在人生的海洋上,最痛快的事是独断独航,但最悲惨的却是回头无岸。 7.人生是艰苦的。对不甘于平庸凡俗的人那是一场无日无夜的斗

争,往往是悲惨的、没有光华的、没有幸福的,在孤独与静寂中展开的斗争。……他们只能依靠自己,可是有时连最强的人都不免于在苦难中蹉跎。罗曼·罗兰 8.伟大的心胸,应该表现出这样的气概用笑脸来迎接悲惨的厄运,用百倍的勇气来应付开始的不幸。鲁迅人在逆境里比在在顺境里更能坚强不屈。遇厄运时比交好运时容易保全身心。 9.要抓紧时间赶快生活,因为一场莫名其妙的疾病,或者一个意外的悲惨事件,都会使生命中断。奥斯特洛夫斯基。 10.在我一生中最悲惨的一个时期,我曾经有过那类的想法:去年夏天在我回到这儿附近的地方时,这想法还缠着我;可是只有她自己的亲自说明才能使我再接受这可怕的想法。 11.他们说一个悲惨的故事是悲剧,但一千个这样的故事就只是一个统计了。 12.不要向诱惑屈服,而浪费时间去阅读别人悲惨的详细新闻。 13.那起悲惨的事件深深地铭刻在我的记忆中。 14.伟大的心胸,应该用笑脸来迎接悲惨的厄运,用百倍的勇气来应付一切的不幸。 15.一个人要发现卓有成效的真理,需要千百万个人在失败的探索和悲惨的错误中毁掉自己的生命。门捷列夫 16.生活需要爱,没有爱,那些受灾的人们生活将永远悲惨;生活需要爱,爱就像调味料,使生活这道菜充满滋味;生活需要爱,爱让生活永远充满光明。

全球最美的50首英文歌

1. don’t cry–guns n’roses这首歌曾唱哭了千万人。总是能够触痛了心底最软的地方,心抽痛着,眼圈红了,却没有眼泪渗出,每多听一次就多一次的依恋…- - 2. fade to black–METAllic金属乐队也有很经典歌曲,相信国内有好多人都是听了这首歌的前奏才去学吉他的!METALLICA经典中的经典,也是METALLICA饱受争议的作品,因为当时有乐迷自杀就是出于这首歌,胆小别听哦~- - 3. dreaming my dream–cranberries有着王菲一样变幻倚俪的唱腔,高雅离开了原本浩渺的苍穹来到人间,它带着冷漠的美艳,但又说着人身上的变动和永恒,爱尔兰的卡百利乐队就这样汲取了精灵与传说的浩渺气质,沟通了人间和天空的美,把人的故事,爱情,历史,死亡,社会都融进那飘忽而真切的女声中…(卡百利,本是蔓声浆果的藤蔓)- - 4. dying in the sun–cranberries不断地重复着放这首歌,简短迂回的旋律,简短迂回的歌词。平躺在这样的歌里,晕乎乎的,渴望在阳光下睡死…- - 5. never grow old–cranberries 最近常听朋友们说时间过得好快~! 感觉自己在一天一天的虚度光阴! 不由得想起了这支歌~!- - 6. far away from home–groove coverage德国新晋乐队,这首歌已被众多知名DJ誉为当今舞曲最为精华的传世之作,听了不下几百遍了,旋律好的很,女声好的很…- - 7. knocking on heaven’s door–guns n’roses(“野蛮师姐”主题曲)艾薇儿翻唱的和枪花版的都给人一种爽歪的感觉,当然女生版的更加恬静,睡觉之前是要听的奥。- - 8. imagine–john lennon约翰列侬是全世界最成功的摇滚乐队“甲壳虫”(或叫披头士)(beatles)的灵魂人物,死于1980年12月8日,是被一名狂热的歌迷****打死的,他的死震惊了世界,他在六十年代吸毒,目无宗教和governme-nt,在七十年代致力研究东方宗教和宣扬童话般的爱(有一颗小星星是以他的名字命名的),这声音听来象预言者的祈祷,而歌词依然是固执的理想,或许列侬所要求的泰国绝对,太过纯洁,但作为梦,难道你我就不曾有过吗?-

The way的用法及其含义(二)

The way的用法及其含义(二) 二、the way在句中的语法作用 the way在句中可以作主语、宾语或表语: 1.作主语 The way you are doing it is completely crazy.你这个干法简直发疯。 The way she puts on that accent really irritates me. 她故意操那种口音的样子实在令我恼火。The way she behaved towards him was utterly ruthless. 她对待他真是无情至极。 Words are important, but the way a person stands, folds his or her arms or moves his or her hands can also give us information about his or her feelings. 言语固然重要,但人的站姿,抱臂的方式和手势也回告诉我们他(她)的情感。 2.作宾语 I hate the way she stared at me.我讨厌她盯我看的样子。 We like the way that her hair hangs down.我们喜欢她的头发笔直地垂下来。 You could tell she was foreign by the way she was dressed. 从她的穿著就可以看出她是外国人。 She could not hide her amusement at the way he was dancing. 她见他跳舞的姿势,忍俊不禁。 3.作表语 This is the way the accident happened.这就是事故如何发生的。 Believe it or not, that's the way it is. 信不信由你, 反正事情就是这样。 That's the way I look at it, too. 我也是这么想。 That was the way minority nationalities were treated in old China. 那就是少数民族在旧中

英语比较级和最高级的用法归纳

英语比较级和最高级的用法归纳 在学习英语过程中,会遇到很多的语法问题,比如比较级和最高级的用法,对于 这些语法你能够掌握吗?下面是小编整理的英语比较级和最高级的用法,欢迎阅读! 英语比较级和最高级的用法 一、形容词、副词的比较级和最高级的构成规则 1.一般单音节词和少数以-er,-ow结尾的双音节词,比较级在后面加-er,最高级 在后面加-est; (1)单音节词 如:small→smaller→smallest short→shorter→shortest tall→taller→tallest great→greater→greatest (2)双音节词 如:clever→cleverer→cleverest narrow→narrower→narrowest 2.以不发音e结尾的单音节词,比较在原级后加-r,最高级在原级后加-st; 如:large→larger→largest nice→nicer→nicest able→abler→ablest 3.在重读闭音节(即:辅音+元音+辅音)中,先双写末尾的辅音字母,比较级加-er,最高级加-est; 如:big→bigger→biggest hot→hotter→hottest fat→fatter→fattest 4.以“辅音字母+y”结尾的双音节词,把y改为i,比较级加-er,最高级加-est; 如:easy→easier→easiest heavy→heavier→heaviest busy→busier→busiest happy→happier→happiest 5.其他双音节词和多音节词,比较级在前面加more,最高级在前面加most; 如:bea utiful→more beautiful→most beautiful different→more different→most different easily→more easily→most easily 注意:(1)形容词最高级前通常必须用定冠词 the,副词最高级前可不用。 例句: The Sahara is the biggest desert in the world. (2) 形容词most前面没有the,不表示最高级的含义,只表示"非常"。 It is a most important problem. =It is a very important problem.

好听的英文歌歌词

好听的英文歌歌词 1. take me to your heart hiding from the rain and snow 藏身于雨雪之中 trying to forget but i won't let go 努力忘记,但我怎能就这样离去 looking at a crowded street 看着熙熙攘攘的街道 listening to my own heart beat 却只能听见自己的心跳 so many people 这么多的人 all around the world 在世界上 tell me where do i find 请告诉我在哪里可以找到 someone like you girl 像你一样的女孩 take me to your heart将我留存心间 take me to your soul与你的灵魂相伴 give me your hand before i'm old给我你的手,在我老去之前 show me what love is 问情为何物 - haven't got a clue 在我们彼此离开前 show me that wonders can be true 问奇迹上演 they say nothing lasts forever 他们说没有什么可以天长地久 we're only here today 我们也能此时相守 love is now or never 爱情稍纵即逝 bring me far away 请带我一起远走 take me to your heart请爱我吧 take me to your soul与你的灵魂相伴 give me your hand and hold me 给我你的手拥我入怀 show me what love is 问情为何物 - be my guiding star 让星辰照亮我路 it's easy take me to your heart 其实爱我真的很简单 standing on a mountain high 站在高山之颠 looking at the moon through a clear blue sky 看着月亮高挂于清澈的蓝天 i should go and see some friends 也许我应该去和朋友们在一起 but they don't really comprehend 但他们真的不明白我此时的心情 don't need too much talking 不需要繁琐的言语 without saying anything 甚至可以一语不发 all i need is someone 我仅仅需要 who makes me wanna sing 一个能让我欢乐而歌的人 2.pretty boy

(完整版)the的用法

定冠词the的用法: 定冠词the与指示代词this ,that同源,有“那(这)个”的意思,但较弱,可以和一个名词连用,来表示某个或某些特定的人或东西. (1)特指双方都明白的人或物 Take the medicine.把药吃了. (2)上文提到过的人或事 He bought a house.他买了幢房子. I've been to the house.我去过那幢房子. (3)指世界上独一无二的事物 the sun ,the sky ,the moon, the earth (4)单数名词连用表示一类事物 the dollar 美元 the fox 狐狸 或与形容词或分词连用,表示一类人 the rich 富人 the living 生者 (5)用在序数词和形容词最高级,及形容词等前面 Where do you live?你住在哪? I live on the second floor.我住在二楼. That's the very thing I've been looking for.那正是我要找的东西. (6)与复数名词连用,指整个群体 They are the teachers of this school.(指全体教师) They are teachers of this school.(指部分教师) (7)表示所有,相当于物主代词,用在表示身体部位的名词前 She caught me by the arm.她抓住了我的手臂. (8)用在某些有普通名词构成的国家名称,机关团体,阶级等专有名词前 the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国 the United States 美国 (9)用在表示乐器的名词前 She plays the piano.她会弹钢琴. (10)用在姓氏的复数名词之前,表示一家人 the Greens 格林一家人(或格林夫妇) (11)用在惯用语中 in the day, in the morning... the day before yesterday, the next morning... in the sky... in the dark... in the end... on the whole, by the way...

英语比较级和最高级的用法

More than的用法 A. “More than+名词”表示“不仅仅是” 1)Modern science is more than a large amount of information. 2)Jason is more than a lecturer; he is a writer, too. 3) We need more than material wealth to build our country.建设我们国家,不仅仅需要物质财富. B. “More than+数词”含“以上”或“不止”之意,如: 4)I have known David for more than 20 years. 5)Let's carry out the test with more than the sample copy. 6) More than one person has made this suggestion. 不止一人提过这个建议. C. “More than+形容词”等于“很”或“非常”的意思,如: 7)In doing scientific experiments, one must be more than careful with the instruments. 8)I assure you I am more than glad to help you. D. more than + (that)从句,其基本意义是“超过(=over)”,但可译成“简直不”“远非”.难以,完全不能(其后通常连用情态动词can) 9) That is more than I can understand . 那非我所能懂的. 10) That is more than I can tell. 那事我实在不明白。 11) The heat there was more than he could stand. 那儿的炎热程度是他所不能忍受的 此外,“more than”也在一些惯用语中出现,如: more...than 的用法 1. 比……多,比……更 He has more books than me. 他的书比我多。 He is more careful than the others. 他比其他人更仔细。 2. 与其……不如 He is more lucky than clever. 与其说他聪明,不如说他幸运。 He is more (a)scholar than (a)teacher. 与其说他是位教师,不如说他是位学者。 注:该句型主要用于同一个人或物在两个不同性质或特征等方面的比较,其中的比较级必须用加more 的形式,不能用加词尾-er 的形式。 No more than/not more than 1. no more than 的意思是“仅仅”“只有”“最多不超过”,强调少。如: --This test takes no more than thirty minutes. 这个测验只要30分钟。 --The pub was no more than half full. 该酒吧的上座率最多不超过五成。-For thirty years,he had done no more than he (had)needed to. 30年来,他只干了他需要干的工作。 2. not more than 为more than (多于)的否定式,其意为“不多于”“不超过”。如:Not more than 10 guests came to her birthday party. 来参加她的生日宴会的客人不超过十人。 比较: She has no more than three hats. 她只有3顶帽子。(太少了) She has not more than three hats. 她至多有3顶帽子。(也许不到3顶帽子) I have no more than five yuan in my pocket. 我口袋里的钱最多不过5元。(言其少) I have not more than five yuan in my pocket. 我口袋里的钱不多于5元。(也许不到5元) more than, less than 的用法 1. (指数量)不到,不足 It’s less than half an hour’s drive from here. 开车到那里不到半个钟头。 In less than an hour he finished the work. 没要上一个小时,他就完成了工作。 2. 比……(小)少 She eats less than she should. 她吃得比她应该吃的少。 Half the group felt they spent less than average. 半数人觉得他们的花费低于平均水平。 more…than,/no more than/not more than (1)Mr.Li is ________ a professor; he is also a famous scientist. (2)As I had ________ five dollars with me, I couldn’t afford the new jacket then. (3)He had to work at the age of ________ twelve. (4)There were ________ ten chairs in the room.However, the number of the children is twelve. (5)If you tel l your father what you’ve done, he’ll be ________ angry. (6)-What did you think of this novel? -I was disappointed to find it ________ interesting ________ that one. 倍数表达法 1. “倍数+形容词(或副词)的比较级+than+从句”表示“A比B大(长、高、宽等)多少倍” This rope is twice longer than that one.这根绳是那根绳的三倍(比那根绳长两倍)。The car runs twice faster than that truck.这辆小车的速度比那辆卡车快两倍(是那辆卡车的三倍)。 2. “倍数+as+形容词或副词的原级+as+从句”表示“A正好是B的多少倍”。

让你忍不住收藏的十首超好听的英文歌曲

精品文档
【 让你忍不住收藏的十首超好听的英文歌曲!】1.《Realize》2. 《Amarantine》3.《I See You》4.《Day Too Soon》5.《Need You Now》 6.《Stupid In Love》7.《When You are Mad》8.《The Climb》9.《You Belong With Me》10.《Welcome To My Life》https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,/SUThIV
【十首英文电影插曲,很温柔的歌,适合安静的时候听】1.《Hello》2. 《Fallin out》 3.《Better in time》4.《Fallin》5.《We are one》6.《Show me love》7.《Because you live》8.《What a wonderful world》9.《You are my everything》10.《Sound Of My
【舒缓减压系音乐推荐】1.曲婉婷《Everything In the World》2.Jason Mraz《I’m Yours 》3.Adele《Chasing Pavements》4.Olivia Ong《where is the love》5.孙燕姿《直来直往》6.梁静茹《美丽人生》7.邓福如《如 果有如果》8.王菲《南海姑娘》9.王若琳《I Love You》 https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,/zWgfS0B
【?你 MP3 里不可缺少的,十首欧美歌曲!】1《Hey jude》2《Yesterday》 3《Vindicated》4《Beyond thd game》5《I like it I love it》6《Should It Matter》7《Are you the one》8《Traveling Light》9《Resta In Ascolto》 10《I Finally Found Someone》https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,/zW11ahd
【 十首英文歌曲,一个人寂寞时听】1. 《forgotten》2.《only love》 3.《Breakaway》4.《Life for rent》5.《traveling light》6.《Fire Fly》7.《lay my love on you》8.《Are You The One》9.《Breathe again》 10.《Truly Madly Deeply》 https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,/zWuLeGK
【 十首清纯英文歌曲】1.《kiss it》2.《it's okay》3.《T-SHIRT》 4.《single girl》5.《i miss you》6.《Whatever You Like》7.《this i promise you》8.《you are not alone》9.《We Will Rock You》10. 《if you come back my life》https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,/SIqX2d
《遇见》 《知足》 《突然好想你》 《蒲公英的约定》纯音乐钢琴版 很唯美~~
【十首英文,很温柔的歌,适合安静的时候听】1.《Hello》2. 《Fallin out》3.《Better in time》4.《Fallin》5.《We are one》6.《Show me love》7.《Because you live》8.《What a wonderful world》9.《You are my everything》10.《Sound Of My Dre》https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,/bTdUy
【世界著名钢琴曲排行榜】没听过的赶紧收藏了!NO.1 《梦中的婚礼》 NO.2 《秋日私语》NO.3 《水边的阿狄丽娜》NO.4 《蓝色多瑙河》NO.5 《致爱丽斯》NO.6 《悲怆奏鸣曲》NO.7 《蓝色的爱》NO.8 《雨的印记》 NO.9 《杜鹃圆舞曲》NO.10 《爱的纪念》。 https://www.wendangku.net/doc/041322730.html,/zOxz5rm
1 欢。迎下载

“the way+从句”结构的意义及用法

“theway+从句”结构的意义及用法 首先让我们来看下面这个句子: Read the followingpassageand talkabout it wi th your classmates.Try totell whatyou think of Tom and ofthe way the childrentreated him. 在这个句子中,the way是先行词,后面是省略了关系副词that或in which的定语从句。 下面我们将叙述“the way+从句”结构的用法。 1.the way之后,引导定语从句的关系词是that而不是how,因此,<<现代英语惯用法词典>>中所给出的下面两个句子是错误的:This is thewayhowithappened. This is the way how he always treats me. 2.在正式语体中,that可被in which所代替;在非正式语体中,that则往往省略。由此我们得到theway后接定语从句时的三种模式:1) the way+that-从句2)the way +in which-从句3) the way +从句 例如:The way(in which ,that) thesecomrade slookatproblems is wrong.这些同志看问题的方法

不对。 Theway(that ,in which)you’re doingit is comple tely crazy.你这么个干法,简直发疯。 Weadmired him for theway inwhich he facesdifficulties. Wallace and Darwingreed on the way inwhi ch different forms of life had begun.华莱士和达尔文对不同类型的生物是如何起源的持相同的观点。 This is the way(that) hedid it. I likedthe way(that) sheorganized the meeting. 3.theway(that)有时可以与how(作“如何”解)通用。例如: That’s the way(that) shespoke. = That’s how shespoke.

知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句

知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句 本文是关于知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句,感谢您的阅读! 知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句知己 基本解释:顾名思义是了解、理解、赏识自己的人,如"知己知彼,百战不殆";更常指懂你自己的挚友或密友,它是一生难求的朋友,友情的最高境界。正所谓:"士为知己者死"。 1.谓了解、理解、赏识、懂自己。 2.彼此相知而情谊深切的人。 【知己近义词】 亲信,好友,密友,心腹,挚友,深交,相知,知交,知友,知心,知音,石友,老友,至友 【知己反义词】 仇人敌人陌路 【知己造句】 1、我们想要被人爱、想拥有知己、想历经欢乐、想要安全感。 2、朋友本应是我们的亲密知己和支持者,但对于大多数人来说,有一些朋友比起帮助我们,更多的却是阻碍。 3、那么,为什么你就认为,随着年龄的增长,比起女人来男人们的知己和丰富的人际关系更少,因此一般容易更孤独呢? 4、他成了我的朋友、我的知己、我的顾问。 5、无论在我当州长还是总统的时候,布鲁斯都是我的密友、顾问和知己。他这样的朋友人人需要,也是所有总统必须拥有的。

6、波兰斯基有着一段声名卓著的电影生涯,也是几乎所有电影界重要人物们的挚友和同事,他们是知己,是亲密的伙伴。 7、搜索引擎变成了可以帮追我们的忏悔室,知己,信得过的朋友。 8、这样看来,奥巴马国家安全团队中最具影响力的当属盖茨了――但他却是共和党人,他不会就五角大楼以外问题发表看法或成为总统知己。 9、我们的关系在二十年前就已经和平的结束了,但在网上,我又一次成为了他精神层面上的评论家,拉拉队,以及红颜知己。 10、这位“知己”,作为拍摄者,站在距离电视屏幕几英尺的地方对比着自己年轻版的形象。 11、父亲与儿子相互被形容为对方的政治扩音筒、知己和后援。 12、这对夫妻几乎没有什么至交或知己依然在世,而他们在后纳粹时期的德国也不可能会说出实话的。 13、她把我当作知己,于是,我便将她和情人之间的争吵了解得一清二楚。 14、有一种友谊不低于爱情;关系不属于暖昧;倾诉一直推心置腹;结局总是难成眷属;这就是知己! 15、把你的治疗师当做是可以分享一切心事的知己。 16、莉莉安对我敞开心胸,我成了她的知己。 17、据盖洛普民意调查显示,在那些自我认同的保守党人中,尽管布什仍维持72%支持率,但他在共和党领导层中似乎很少有几位知

相关文档
相关文档 最新文档