经济学人阅读Not as close as lips and teeth

Not as close as lips and teeth China should not fear India’s growing friendship with Vietnam

Oct 22nd 2011 | from the print edition

WHEN China’s sovereignty is at issue Global Times, a Beijing newspaper, does not mince words. In September it growled that a contract between Vietnam and an Indian state-owned oil-and-gas company, ONGC, to explore in Chinese-claimed waters in the South China Sea would “push China to the limit”. Yet this month India and Vietnam have reached an agreement on “energy co-operation”. Global Times is incensed that this was signed just a day after Vietnam, during a visit to Beijing by the head of its communist party, Nguyen Phu Trong, had agreed with China on “ground rules” for solving maritime squabbles. Now, thundered the paper, “China may consider taking actions to show its stance and prevent more reckless attempts in confronting China.”

The more sober China Energy News, a publication of the Communist Party’s People’s Daily, has weighed in, warning India that its “energy strategy is

slipping into an extremely dangerous whirlpool.” Behind such fulminations lie two C hinese fears. One is that India’s involvement complicates its efforts to have its way in the tangled territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The

second is that India and Vietnam are seeking closer relations as part of an American-led strategy to contain China. Even if the first worry has some basis, fears of containment are overblown.

As Mr Trong was in China, however, Vietnam’s president, Truong Tan Sang, was in India, to pursue the two countries’ “strategic partnership”. Paranoid Chinese nationalists could be forgiven for feeling ganged up on. After all, ignoring the border clashes with the former Soviet Union in 1969, these were the countries on the other side of China’s two most recent wars. In both Delhi and Hanoi the experience of brief “punitive” invasion by China respectively still colours attitudes. India was humiliated by China’s foray into what is now Arunachal Pradesh in 1962. Vietnam’s fierce response to the Chinese invasion of 1979 has become part of national legend of perpetual resistance to Chinese domination.

Vietnam still claims the Paracel islands in the South China Sea, from which China evicted it in 1974, as well as the much-contested Spratlys to the south, where over 70 Vietnamese sailors died in clashes with China in 1988. Tension in the area remains high. Earlier this year, after a Vietnamese ship had its surveying cables cut by a Chinese patrol boat, hundreds joined anti-China protests in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City.

So Vietnam welcomes India’s support, just as it was buoyed last year by America’s declaration, aimed at China’s perceived assertiveness, of a “national interest” in freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. Of Vietnam’s partners in the Association of South-East Asian Nations, Brunei, Malaysia and the Philippines also have partial claims in the sea. Vietnam naturally would like to present as united a front as possible against China’s claims.

It is against this background that some Indian strategists see an opportunity: Vietnam could be “India’s Pakistan”, a loyal all y, as Pakistan is for China, that exerts indirect, debilitating pressure on its strategic rival. Harsh Pant, a professor of defence studies at King’s College, London, argues that Vietnam offers India an entry-point, through which it can “penetrate China’s periphery”.

Tweaking China appeals to Indian diplomats, who habitually complain that their big neighbour refuses to make room for their own country’s rise. Behind that resentment lurks irritation at China’s effort to exert influence in India’s own backyard, not just through its “all-weather” friendship with Pakistan, but in Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Sri Lanka as well. Indeed, on Mr Sang’s heels in India came Myanmar’s president, Thein Sein, as India

attempts to make up diplomatic ground it has lost to China.

India also wants to push back against what it sees as Chinese provocations. Among these is the apparent Chinese stoking of the unresolved territorial disputes that led to the 1962 war. In recent years it has revived its claim to most of Arunachal Pradesh. No wonder backing Vietnamese claims in the South China Sea appeals to some Indian hawks. Already, in July, an Indian naval ship off Vietnam ignored a radio warning, apparently from the

Chinese navy, that it was entering Chinese waters.

China resents anything that smacks of efforts to thwart its rise as a global power. Talk of India’s selling Vietnam the BrahMos missiles it has developed jointly with Russia is still speculative. But Chinese strategists will fret about the purpose of the regular “security dialogue” agreed on during Mr Sang’s visit. It comes as Indian press reports suggest India has decided to deploy BrahMos missiles in Arunachal, pointed at Chinese-controlled Tibet. Behind India’s assertiveness and its closer ties with Vietnam, China de tects America’s hand. In July Hillary Clinton, the secretary of state, urged India “to engage east and act east as well”. Vietnam’s Vietnam

But to see India and Vietnam as compliant partners in an American-orchestrated anti-China front is off the mark for three reasons. Both countries are fiercely independent. Neither is going to do America’s bidding, and Vietnam is certainly not going to be India’s Pakistan. Second, their relations are about far more than China. They go back centuries (it is Indo-China, after all) and have been improving for decades. Sanjaya Baru, editor of the Business Standard, an Indian newspaper, and former spokesman for the prime minister, has called it “perhaps the most well-rounded bilateral

relationship that India has with any count ry”.

Third, both insist—plausibly—that they want good relations with China, now India’s biggest trading partner. And after all, Mr Trong was in China even as Mr Sang was in India. Hu Jintao, China’s president, was reported as counselling Vietnam to “stick to using dialogue and consultations to handle properly problems in bilateral relations.” Of course, if China itself had been consistent in following Mr Hu’s advice, the improvement in relations between India and Vietnam might not have such an impetus behind it, and, viewed from Beijing, might seem far less sinister.

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The Brain Activity Map 绘制大脑活动地图 Hard cell 棘手的细胞 An ambitious project to map the brain is in the works. Possibly too ambitious 一个绘制大脑活动地图的宏伟计划正在准备当中，或许有些太宏伟了 NEWS of what protagonists hope will be America’s next big science project continues to dribble out. 有关其发起人心中下一个科学大工程的新闻报道层出不穷。 A leak to the New York Times, published on February 17th, let the cat out of the bag, with a report that Barack Obama’s administration is thinking of sponsoring what will be known as the Brain Activity Map. 2月17日，《纽约时报》刊登的一位线人报告终于泄露了秘密，报告称奥巴马政府正在考虑赞助将被称为“大脑活动地图”的计划。 And on March 7th several of those protagonists published a manifesto for the project in Science. 3月7日，部分发起人在《科学》杂志上发表声明证实了这一计划。 The purpose of BAM is to change the scale at which the brain is understood. “大脑活动地图”计划的目标是改变人们在认知大脑时采用的度量方法。 At the moment, neuroscience operates at two disconnected levels. 眼下，神经学的研究处在两个断开的层次。 The higher one, where the dimensions of features are measured in centimetres, has many techniques at its disposal, notably functional magnetic-res onance imaging, which measures changes in tissues’ fuel consumption. 在相对宏观的层次当中各个特征的规模用厘米来衡量，有很多技术可以使用，尤其是用来测量组织中能量消耗变动情况的核磁共振成像技术。 This lets researchers see which bits of the brain are active in particular tasks—as long as those tasks can be performed by a person lying down inside a scanner. 该技术可使研究人员找出在完成具体的任务时，大脑的哪些部分处于活跃状态。At the other end of the scale, where features are measured in microns, lots of research has been done on how individual nerve cells work, how messages are sent from one to another, and how the connections between cells strengthen and weaken as memories are formed. 而另一个度量的层次则要求用微米来测量各种特征，这一层次的研究很多都是关于单个神经细胞是如何工作的、信息在神经细胞之间是如何传递的以及当产生记忆的时候神经细胞之间的联系是如何得到加强和减弱的。 Between these two, though, all is darkness. 然而，位于这两个层次之间的研究还处于一片漆黑当中。 It is like trying to navigate America with an atlas that shows the states, the big cities and the main highways, and has a few street maps of local neighbourhoods, but displays nothing in between.

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What went wrong IN RECENT months many economists and policymakers, including such unlikely bedfellows as Paul Krugman, an economist and New York Times columnist, and Hank Paulson, a former American treasury secretary, have put “global imbalances”—the huge current-account surpluses run by countries like China, alongside America’s huge deficit—at the root of the financial crisis. But the IMF disagrees. It argues, in new papers released on Friday March 6th, that the “main culprit” was deficient regulation of t he financial system, together with a failure of market discipline. Olivier Blanchard, the IMF's chief economist, said this week that global imbalances contributed only “indirectly” to the crisis. This may sound like buck-passing by the world’s main interna tional macroeconomic organisation. But the distinction has important consequences for whether macroeconomic policy or more regulation of financial markets will provide the solutions to the mess. In broad strokes, the global imbalances view of the crisis argues that a glut of money from countries with high savings rates, such as China and the oil-producing states, came flooding into America. This kept interest rates low and fuelled the credit boom and the related boom in the prices of assets, such as houses and equity, whose collapse precipitated the financial crisis. A workable long-term fix for the problems of the world economy would, therefore, involve figuring out what to do about these imbalances. But the IMF argues that imbalances could not have caused the crisis without the creative ability of financial institutions to develop new structures and instruments to cater to investors’ demand for higher yields. These instruments turned out to be more risky than they appeared. Investors, overly optimistic about continued rises in asset prices, did not look closely into the nature of the assets that they bought, preferring to rely on the analysis of credit-rating agencies which were, in some cases, also selling advice on how to game the ratings system. This “failure of market discipline”, the fund argues, played a big role in the crisis. As big a problem, according to the IMF, was that financial regulation was flawed, ineffective and too limited in scope. What it calls the “shadow banking system”—the loosely regulated but highly interconnected network of investment banks, hedge funds, mortgage originators, and the like—was not subject to the sorts of prudential regulation (capital-adequacy norms, for example) that applied to banks. In part, the fund argues, this was because they were not thought to be systemically important, in the sense that banks were understood to be. But their being unregulated made it more attractive for banks (whose affiliates the non-banks often were) to evade capital requirements by pushing risk into these entities. In time, this network of institutions grew so large that they were indeed systemically important: in the now-familiar phrase, they were “too big” or “too interconnected” to fail. By late 2007, some estimates of the assets of the bank-like institutions in America outside the scope of existing prudential regulation, was around $10 trillion, as large as the assets of the regulated American banking system itself. Given this interpretation, it is not surprising that the IMF has thrown its weight strongly behind an enormous increase in the scale and scope of financial regulation in a series of papers leading up to the G20 meetings. Among many other proposals, it wants the shadow banking system to be subjected to the same sorts of prudential requirements that banks must follow. Sensibly, it is calling for regulation to concentrate on what an institution does, not what it is called (that is, the basis of regulation should be activities, not entities). It also wants regulators to focus more broadly on

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经济学人

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中文导读 外资风投：黯然离场？ 上世纪90年代开始,“copy to China”风潮涌起,外资在中国这块赚钱的风水宝地如鱼得水。 如今,中国市场的魅力依然吸引着众多外资入局,但他们日子并不好过。 中国本土孵化器遍地开花、本土企业不断崛起,对外资风投形成了强有力的挤压。 当下中国科技大爆发、政策逐渐健全,“copy from China”的时代已经开启。未来,外资还会青睐中国市场吗？ less where that came from 与文章最后一句呼应,改用习语More Where that Came from:A greater number of similar things can be pro-vided in the future 陆续有来 skittish adj.not very serious and with ideas and feelings that keep changing 轻浮的;易变的;反复无常的 venture capitalist n.someone who makes money by investing in high risk projects 风险投资者 demo (=demostration)n.an act of showing or explaining how sth works or is done 示范;示范表演;演示 Y Combinator 美国著名创业孵化器,Y Combinator 扶持初创企业并为其提供创业指南 startup n.a small business that has recently been started by someone 新创办的小公司 vie (with sb)(for sth)与某人争夺某物SYN contend with sb for sth high-profile adj.receiving or involving a lot of attention and discus-sion on television,in newspapers,etc.经常出镜/见报的;高姿态的 accelerator a company that helps new companies get started by giving them such things as office space,legal help and marketing services in exchange for payment 企业加速器/孵化器SYN incubator the like of sb/sth (also sb’s/sth’s like )something similar to someone or a particular person or thing,or of equal importance or value 像某人(物)一样的人/物SYN equivalent ,match Dropbox 一款网络文件同步工具,提供在线存储服务,类似于百度云pull out of to move away from sth or stop being involved in it 脱离,退出 nurture v.to help sb/sth to develop and be successful 扶持;帮助;支持SYN foster It’s important to nurture a good working relationship.维持良好的工作关系非常重要。 localised adj.地方化的,本土化的incarnation n.化身,代表 in the context of 在?情况下;在?背景下 rift a serious disagreement between people that stops their relation- ship from continuing 分裂;分歧;严重不和SYN rupture ominous suggesting that sth bad is going to happen in the future 预兆的;恶兆的;不吉利的SYN foreboding By China,For China,Of China 建于中国、为了中国、属于中国,陆奇加入YC 时提的条件 arm a section of a large organization that deals with one particular activity 分部;职能部门 at odds with to be different from sth,when the two things should be the same (与?)有差异,相矛盾SYN conflict with venture capital money that is invested in a new company to help it develop,which may involve a lot of risk 风险资本(投入新公司的资金,风险很大) red-hot adj.new,exciting and of great interest to people 热门的,火爆的SYN sizzling operation n.a business organization;a company 商业机构;公司 Sand Hill Road 沙山路,硅谷一个普通地名,被称为“西海岸华尔街”,上百家声名如雷贯耳的风险投资公司在这里汇集,与华尔街不同,这里以投资高新技术产业为主 heavyweight n.a very important person,organization or thing that influences others 有影响力的人(或组织、事物)covet v.to want sth very much,especially sth that belongs to sb else 渴望;贪求(尤指别人的东西);觊觎 exchange n.a building where business people met in the past to buy and sell a particular type of goods 交易所 Investing in Chinese technology Less where that came from Homegrown rivals and skittish American investors are making life harder for foreign venture capitalists in China T HE FIRST “demo day”in Beijing last November of Y Combinator (YC)hosted two dozen local startups vying for the attention of high-profile investors.It marked the entrance into China of Silicon Valley’s most famous accelerator ,which has helped launch the likes of Airbnb and Dropbox .Then,days later,YC abruptly announced it was pulling out of the country. In a statement YC said that it was returning,under a new boss,to in- vesting in startups from its Californian base.Its Chinese startups will be nurtured by MiraclePlus,YC China’s new,fully localised incarna- tion .Yet in the context of a deepening Sino-American rift ,the retreat looks ominous .“Under the current global environment,to realise our mission—By China,For China,Of China —we must have the ability to master our own destiny,”wrote MiraclePlus in a social-media post,citing Lu Qi,its boss,whom YC had hired to set up its Chinese arm in 2018.(Mr Lu declined to be interviewed for this article.) At first glance,YC’s fate seems at odds with the broader health of foreign venture capital (VC)in China,with its red-hot tech indus-try.The Chinese operations of Sand Hill Road heavyweights such as Lightspeed Venture Partners and Sequoia Capital—whose fifth Chinese growth-stage fund raised $1.8bn,twice as much as its last—are thriv-ing.Chinese founders have coveted attention from foreign funds,seen as the best route to listing on American exchanges and keener than Chinese counterparts to back ideas that take longer to make money.

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(创业指南)创新创业在武汉(补考完整答案版)

（创业指南）创新创业在武汉(补考完整答案版)

《创新创业于武汉》试卷 2011-07-0721:41:43|分类：学校|标签：|字号大中小订阅 试卷壹 1、单选题 鼓励就业和再就业，对军队转业干部从事个体运营，其雇工7人(含7人)以下的，自领取税务登记证 之日起()内免征营业税和个人所得税。 A.1年 B.2年 C.3年 D.4年 用户答案:C 对符合贷款条件的劳动密集型小企业，当年新招用持《再就业优惠证》人员达到企业现有于职职工总数30%之上，且和其签订1年之上期限劳动合同的，根据实际招用人数，可享受最高()万元贴息贷款优惠政 策。 A.200 B.300 C.500 D.800 用户答案:B 创新人才开发资金采取()的方式，对于武汉市高新技术领域及新兴产业、支柱产业内拥有自主知识产权且开展创新活动的高层次领军人才和团队进行资助。 A.无偿资助，择优支持 B.适度补偿，适度资助 C.有偿补偿，择优支持 D.无偿资助，适度支持 用户答案:A 于创业环境中有壹种情况是由于创业环境较好，便有壹大批同类型的创业企业聚集。这些集聚的创业企业会把周边的空气和饮水环境给恶化了。这种造成相邻关系恶化的情况，也影响了创业机会。这属于()。 A.表象关系 B.单要素攀升关系 C.同因影响相邻关系 D.不能确定 用户答案:C 要改善全民创业环境，对个人而言，要()。 A.不断提高资金供给 B.快速降低创业者创业的门槛 C.逐渐降低创业者创业的门槛 D.无法确定 用户答案:C 新产品、新过程、新系统和新服务的首次商业性转化是指()。 A.自主创新 B.技术创新 C.模仿创新 D.产品创新 用户答案:B 渐进式的创新，突破性、革命性的创新是从()的角度对创新进行分类。 A.创新的方法 B.创新的过程 C.创业 D.创新的本质 用户答案:C

《经济学人》英中对照翻译版(考研英语必备)

来源于https://www.wendangku.net/doc/116667273.html,/wordpress/（The Economist《经济学人》中文版）和https://www.wendangku.net/doc/116667273.html,/（《The Economist》《经济学人》中文版） 11月10, 2008 [2008.11.08] 美国大选：无限期望 America's election：Great expectations NO ONE should doubt the magnitude of what Barack Obama achieved this week. When the president-elect was born, in 1961, many states, and not just in the South, had laws on their books that enforced segregation, banned mixed-race unions like that of his parents and restricted voting rights. This week America can claim more credibly that any other western country to have at last become politically colour-blind. Other milestones along the road to civil rights have been passed amid bitterness and bloodshed. This one was marked by joy, white as well as black (see article). 相信无人质疑奥巴马于本周取胜的重要意义。这位新总统出生于1961年，那时美国很多州的法律都要求强化种族分离、禁止像奥巴马父母那样的跨族通婚、限制选举权利；这些不仅限于南部地区，而出现在全国范围内。从本周开始，美国可以更加自信的宣称：任何其他的西方国家都变得有些政治色盲了。在通向民权的道路上，其它里程碑似的重大历史事件都是在痛苦与血泊中通过的；而此次总统选举则以愉快著称，受到了包括白人及黑人在内的全国选民的称赞。 Mr Obama lost the white vote, it is true, by 43-55%; but he won almost exactly same share of it as the last three (white) Democratic candidates; Bill Clinton, Al Gore and John Kerry. And he won heavily among younger white voters. America will now have a president with half-brothers in Kenya, old schoolmates in Indonesia and a view of the world that seems to be based on respect rather than confrontation. 奥巴马丢掉了大约43%-55%的白人选票，这是不争的事实；但他与过去三位白人民主党候选人–克林顿、戈尔和肯尼迪–得到的白人选票几乎相同。同时，他在年轻一代的白人选民中取得了重大胜利。这位新总统有一个同父异母的兄弟在肯尼亚，有老同学在印尼，他的世界观似乎建立在尊重而不是对抗的基础之上。 That matters. Under George Bush America’s international standing has sunk to awful lows. This week Americans voted in record-smashing numbers for many reasons, but one of them was an abhorrence of how their shining city’s reputation has been tarnished. Their country will now be easier for its friends to like and harder for its foes to hate. 这很重要。在布什治下，美国的国际声誉降到了糟糕地步。本周美国选民的投票数量突破了历史纪录，其中原因很多，有一个就是他们对曾经辉煌无比的城市形象已然黯淡无光而感到愤恨。现在他们的国家将会更易赢得朋友的喜爱，而不易引起敌人的仇恨。 In its own way the election illustrates this redeeming effect. For the past eight years the debacle in Florida in 2000 has been cited (not always fairly) as an example of shabby American politics. Yet here was a clear victory delivered by millions of volunteers-and by the intelligent use of technology to ride a wave of excitement that is all too rare in most democracies. Mr Obama showed that, with the right message, a candidate with no money or machine behind him can build his own.