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2020年唐蕃汉藏文献的翻译与交流论文

2020年唐蕃汉藏文献的翻译与交流论文
2020年唐蕃汉藏文献的翻译与交流论文

唐蕃汉藏文献的翻译与交流论文

语言和文字是人们交际的工具。从唐代起,汉藏两族人民就十分重视彼此的语言文字,并相互学习,从而加强了两民族彼此的了解。两民族许多重大的历史事件用汉藏两种文字记载下来,而成为 __证物。

松赞干布不仅重视汉地历算之学,而且留心学习汉地文献典籍及治学方法。据《旧唐书·吐蕃传》载,在文成公主进藏之后,松赞干布着眼于发展吐蕃文化,培养本民族的知识人才,他采取派人留学的方法,到唐朝国学学习汉族文化。国学又称国子监,是唐朝最高学府。“是时,上大征天下名儒为学官……使之讲论”,“上幸国子监”,以视关注。当时国学颇负盛名,誉满国内外,“于是学者云集京师,乃至高丽、百济、新罗、高昌、吐蕃诸酋长办遣子弟请入国学,升讲筵者至八千余人”②。吐蕃人勤学,深受唐朝臣工赞赏:“吐蕃之性,慓悍果决,敏情持锐,善学不回”③。因此,吐蕃人学均有成。例如吐蕃大臣仲琮就曾是唐朝国学的学生。“先是,仲琮年少时,尝充质入朝,诣太学生例读书,颇晓文字”④。(太学即国学)掌握吐蕃兵权的论钦陵,在“万岁通天二年(即696年),四夷多遣子入侍”之时,他“皆因充侍子,逐得遍观中国兵威礼乐”。而且这些来长安学习的吐蕃人,均“服改毡裘,语兼中夏,明习汉法,睹衣冠之仪。目击朝章,知经国之要”⑤。《册府元龟》亦载:“吐蕃先遣使来此迎公主、兼学汉语”。

吐蕃学习汉地文化经典的另一种办法,就是请汉地文人入藏协助办理文书典籍。这从松赞干布时就开始了,“又请中国识文之人典其表疏”⑥。同时,还向唐朝请求典籍,此类汉人助吐蕃“典其表疏”的具体情况未见记载,但吐蕃对汉人是很重视的,据《因话录》载,淮南稗将谭可则被掠入吐蕃,知道吐蕃每得汉人,“觕有文艺者则其臂,以候赞普之命,得华人补为吏者,则呼为舍人,可则以晓文字,将以为知汉书舍人”,“其旧舍人有姓崔者,本华人……其人大为蕃师所信。”①另外,吐蕃官府中也有知汉地语言文书者,谭可则曾告诉吐蕃人宪宗死事,“其傍有知书者,可则因略记遗诏示之,乃信焉。”

②可见吐蕃官府中常有汉藏两种文字执掌文书的人。有位徐舍人,他是司空英国公五代孙,在吐蕃已居三代,且“代居职位,世掌兵要”。当时唐与吐蕃通晓汉藏两种语言文字的官员不乏其人。著名的唐朝会盟使兵部尚书崔汉衡多次往返唐与吐蕃,他精通“夷言”,因他能以“夷言”(即吐蕃语)与吐蕃人直接交往,故能多次完成唐蕃通好等使命。同样,迎接金城公主的吐蕃重臣名悉腊,他“颇晓书记”,在长安多次觐见唐朝皇帝,并能与汉地名臣文士一起联句赋诗,其汉文甚高雅,“当时朝廷皆称其才辩”③。

当然,唐王朝与吐蕃王朝上层 __的推动有助于汉藏间的文化交流,此外,汉藏两族人民的民间往返也是文化交流的重要渠道和促进力量。敦煌就是唐代汉藏文化交流的中心地,也是唐蕃的 __,这一

带又称陇右或河西,当时藏文称为“河西一路”④。吐蕃政权曾长期统治这一带,可谓“事更十叶,时近百年”。自然唐蕃间有战争,不过战争必然也会造成汉藏百姓间的频繁接触。吐蕃士兵许多随军奴隶,他们平时为吐蕃奴隶主“散处耕牧”,战时则是吐蕃“豪室”的“奴从”。河陇的口昷末部就是这种以奴隶为主的奴隶属⑤,后来这个部中还有大量汉人参加,“口昷末百姓本是河西陇右陷没子孙,国家却弃掷不收,变成部落”⑥。生活在这一带的汉藏族人民,相互影响很大。唐诗形容这里的吐蕃人是:“自从贵主和亲后,一半胡风似汉家”

⑦。而生活在这里的汉人则是:“去年中国养子孙,今著毡裘学胡语”

⑧可见双方风俗语言之间的交流程度。敦煌文献中关于汉藏族人民用汉藏对音拼读或译音的办法学习彼此语言文字的记载很多。例如,汉藏对音《千字文》残卷⑨、《汉藏对照辞语》⑩、《汉藏对照辞汇》⑾等等,都是留存至今的珍贵古文献。这些汉藏对音词汇,很可能是汉藏两族文人共同合作的产品。语言文字的学习促进了唐蕃双方文献、表疏有典籍的翻译和交流。例如,用汉文字写的敦煌文献有:《大蕃敕尚书令赐大瑟瑟告身尚起律心儿圣光寺功德颂》,系“大蕃右敦煌郡布衣窦吴撰”⑿,还有《谢赞普支敦煌铁器启》⒀及《向吐蕃赞普进沙州莲花寺舍利骨陈情表》⒁等等。这些表文、启文及颂词,显然均出自汉人之笔,也可能有吐蕃“知书者”参加撰写。《旧唐书·吐蕃传》载有公元730年吐蕃重臣名悉腊赴长安向唐皇上表,此表文系汉文(也许有藏文原文),行文颇具汉文风格,同时又显示了藏文文书的特色①。名悉腊的七律之作极佳,充分显示了他的汉文造诣之精

深,上述表文极可能出自他手。以上诸例表明吐蕃人学汉地“典疏书”已卓有成绩。“长庆唐蕃甥舅和盟碑”的汉藏对照碑文②对译精确,充分体现了汉藏两族文人的合作,也反映出汉藏两族一些文人对汉藏语文之精通。

此外,藏族不仅将汉文诗书文典携至吐蕃,而且将其译成藏文。敦煌古藏文文书中,有藏文译本《尚书》③4篇,《春秋后语》④6篇,《孔子项托相问书》⑤。能够翻译这类艰深的古汉文,而且译文相当准确、流畅,这充分说明吐蕃某些文人对掌握汉文已有很深的造诣。

在敦煌吐蕃藏文文献中有几个记述项托和孔子对话的卷子,对此王尧教授作过考证,认为《项托孔子相问书》是极有趣的民间文学作品,汉族地区早有工关于孔子师项托的故事,表明孔子不耻下问,以能者为师的精神。这一故事流传到藏区是自然的事,但想不到在敦煌藏文卷子中竟发现了3个卷号,它们是P.T.992,P.T.1284和

S.T.MS.724。苏远明在1954年《亚洲学报》上发表了《孔子和项托的问答》一文。他的文章引起了人们用汉藏比较文学的眼光来观察敦煌卷子。此外,法国石泰安藏学家也有一篇题为《两卷敦煌藏文写本中的儒教格言》的文章⑥。

从翻译经典的民族成分看,有藏汉民族参加,如有关专家对河西吐蕃经卷和文书317卷中署名的137位写者和校勘者的统计,确定为吐蕃人的23人,可能是吐蕃人的1人;保留汉式姓名的38人,汉姓、吐蕃名字的26人(这些人可能是蕃人,也可能是汉人),西域人士36人。这些懂汉藏两种语言的人,无疑对汉藏文化的理解也是比较深入的,他们在藏汉文化交流中起着非常重要的作用。

与此同时,唐朝的史馆和 __也非常注意对吐蕃历史进行记载和研究。数百年间,唐蕃之间的官方往来多达290多次,大量的吐蕃文书、表诏被唐朝史馆收存,许多珍贵的历史资料还被到《全唐文》、新旧唐书及《策府元龟》之中。如《唐书》《新唐书》社有《吐蕃传》,《新唐书》吐蕃传引用了长庆会盟时的报告文书。《新唐书·艺文志》中收录的《西蕃会盟记》三卷是使者刘元鼎的报告全文。所记会盟的文本与现存拉萨的《唐蕃会盟碑》正面内容基本相同。

1,史学体例

敦煌汉族的写史、学史、讲史的传统直接影响了吐蕃人,促使他们对 __重视,进而形成记述自己 __传统。比如吐蕃王室有了史官,仿效唐朝编写出诸如《大事记年》之类的史书,并且出现了不同的写本。有学者认为,吐蕃受汉族史学影响形成了一种特殊的史学著作——以世系纪年和大事记为主的史学指南,其目的是要为政府和行政当

局提供有关诏令的制定颁布、士兵的募集、政治决策、对外邦交等方面的情况,同时提供年代学的日期。也有学者认为吐蕃许多机构抄录这些历史著作,是因为要以王朝中央的指令行事,又是他们便携当地编年史的重要依据。

2,吐蕃文书中的《尚书》与《战国策》

在敦煌文献中,有P.T986号和P.T.1291号,前是《尚书》译文,后是《战国策》译文。《敦煌吐蕃文献选》中介绍了这两部藏译汉文典籍的情况。虽然藏文译文只见片段而不是全书,从文化交流的历史看,却是非常珍贵的。

《尚书》是一部非常重要的汉文经典,五经之一,称《书》或《书经》。《辞海》说:

‘尚’即‘上’,上代以来之书,故名。中国上古历史文献和部分追述古代事迹著作的汇编。相传由孔子编选而成。事实上有些篇如《尧典》、《皋陶谟》、《禹贡》、《洪范》等是后来儒家补充进去的。西汉初存二十八篇,即《今文尚书》。另有相传汉武帝时在孔子住宅壁中发现的《古文尚书》和东晋梅赜(一作梅颐、枚颐)所献的伪《古文尚书》的合编。《尚书》中保存商周特别是西周初期的一

些重要史料。注本有唐孔颖达《尚书正义》、清孙星衍《尚书今古文注疏》等”。

据王尧先生对存于英国伦敦博物馆、巴黎等处的敦煌汉文本写卷《尚书》的比较研究得知,藏译为当时敦煌流行的伪《古文尚书》(即伪《孔传》本)。藏文共157行,四节,主要内容为:

A、《尚书》之《泰誓中》(《泰誓上》藏译文已佚),第128行。

B、《尚书》之《泰誓下》,第29~67行。

C、《尚书》之《牧誓》,第68~89行。

D、《尚书》之《武成》,第90~157行。

另,第158行为“《尚书》第六完”语。

《尚书》在当时可能已全书译为藏文,只是年代久远,战乱频仍,难知详情。

《战国策》流传于战国末,汉成帝时刘向(前77~前6)曾、,共33篇。其《叙录》中说:“中书本号,或曰国策,或曰短长,或曰事语,或曰长书,或曰修书,臣向以为战国时游士辅所用之国,为之策谋,宜为《战国策》。其事继春秋以后讫楚汉之起,二百四十五年间之事。”其价值可知。

藏文译自晚于出土长沙的马王堆帛书《战国策》(共27篇,17,000余字)、而早于南宋姚宏校定、鲍彪加注之《战国策》,共六篇96行,篇名为《田需贵于魏王》、《华军之战》、《秦魏为与国》、《王假三年》、《秦王使人谓安陵君》、《魏攻管而不下》,均出自《魏策》。藏文译文通畅而活泼。

《古文尚书》和《战国策》有一共同特点,就是有较强的故事性,同时贯穿着思想道德和战略策谋,颇具智能。这或许是吐蕃译为藏文的重要原因,因为当时战争频繁,政事复杂,而智谋、用人等又无不伴随着政治、军事,政治与军事的最高体现仍然是围绕着思想道义之类的精神追求。

(二)、敦煌吐蕃文书与汉藏佛经变文的相互关系

敦煌古藏文文献中保留了一些译自汉文的《无常经之解说》、《不分善,杀生、饮酒经之解说》、《恶行经之解说》、《孝子经之

解说》、《善行经之解说》等佛经变文。据罗秉芬研究,国巴黎国家图书馆影印出版的《敦煌古藏文手卷选集》第一辑P.T640号和P.T126号两封藏文写卷,一缺首,一缺尾,合并起来正好是一份首尾完整的藏文佛经变文……其内容包括:《无常经之解说》、《不分善恶,杀生,饮酒经之解说》、《恶行经之解说》、《孝子经之解说》、《善行经之解说》等五部佛经变文,是研究我国唐代藏汉两个民族文化交流的重要历史材料①。

两个卷子相重的句子共106句,字词完全相同的有22句,占20.3%;字词基本相同,个别还字法的有差异的有33句,占31.2%句义基本相同,用词没有出入的有43句,占40.8%;句义差异较大的

只有八句,占7.6%。这个统计数字清楚地告知人们,这两个卷子肯

定同出一源两本的差异可能是在传抄过程中,抄录人随手改动的结果。

其次,我们在P.T640号卷首处看到“神通比丘后人作善行之讲经文”这个醒目的标题。这位神通的比丘究竟是何人?汉文的佛经变文始于唐代,是唐代寺庙中的一种俗讲,佛经文字形式。据日本僧圆红的记载,9世纪上半期长安有名的俗讲法师有海、齐高、光影、文淑、等等。上面讨论的这位“神通比丘”就是当时的一位汉族俗讲法师。这就可以进一步推断P.T640号和P.T126号两个藏文译本的原本是内地汉族俗讲法师的汉文佛经变文。另外,从它的七个单节成句的韵文形式来看,也与汉文佛经的颂偈五言、七言等的形式很接近。而

《敦煌故》献看,吐蕃时期的藏文诗歌,卜辞这类韵文大部分是六个音节句,七个音节句的极其罕见。直至13世纪,九言诗才逐渐盛行,如著名的《萨迦格宗》一书458首格言全都是七个音节一句。根据这种情况以及内容上都可以看出它和汉文变文的渊源关系。

今人熊坤新在《吐蕃王朝时期一部重要的伦理学文献》一文中指出:

《礼仪问答卷》,见之于敦煌本古藏文文书P.T1283号卷……约成书于吐蕃占领河湟地区的八九世纪之间……《问卷》产生的地点及作者,很可能就是出自居住于敦煌地区的话蕃人之手。因为第一,自公元786年之后,‘吐蕃人侵占了敦煌地区,一直到848年之前,这一地区始终处于吐蕃赞普的话管辖之下’……它几乎‘没有佛教的语言,苯教的影响也十分细微’,且明显的受到汉民族伦理思想的影响,其写作风格和特点亦与西藏本土的其它历史文献和文化著述有所不同,是吐蕃敦煌文化的代表之一。

作者举例说:

1、做人道德规范

兄答:“做人之道德为公正、孝敬、和蔼、温顺、怜悯、不怒、报恩、知耻、谨慎而勤奋.”第36问中写道,“仅行仁政亦不可,不咊嗔怒必有错失,一味嗔怒不可行,专施仁政有错失。”第15问据P.T.2111号卷补译关于谨慎有一句话说:“晓,如朝秦暮椘之妇,不能保守秘密。”第27问做什幺事都得“合规矩,则不会出现伤风败俗之事。严而行之,其谁不喜?如此行而不变,即为公正之法。”

问卷把孝敬父母于与孝敬师长并列,认为二者应同时受到孝敬

和尊崇,这却是藏民族独具特色的孝道观,我们必须予以充分注意。

不孝敬父母、上师,即如同畜牲,徒有“人”名而已。在案敦煌古藏文里历史文书中也有:

“母亲育儿多辛苦,最初怀胎步履艰。

……潮冷床褥母亲补,干暖之处娇儿眠。

……长大只听妻子话,父母责备白眼翻。

子母相见如仇敌,这种人落地狱间。

永世受罪解脱难,念此应以孝为先。”

《问卷》的话以兄与弟虚拟对答的话写作方式,也是汉地。王尧陈践先生在案该文译解中也说,它形式上与屈原的《天问》类似。①

①本节参见黄灏《唐代汉藏文化交流》一文及丹珠昂奔《藏族文化发展史》。

②《通鉴》卷195页23下,贞观十四年(640年)条。

③《旧唐书·吐蕃传》。

④《册府元龟》卷962外臣部才智,页15。

⑤《册府元龟》卷544谏诤部直谏11页1。

⑥《旧唐书·吐蕃传》。

①《因话录》上海古籍出版社排印本,96页。

②《因话录》上海古籍出版社排印本,96页。

③《旧唐书·吐蕃传》。又《全唐诗》卷二载有名悉腊诗。

④《敦煌藏文文选》巴黎影印本,第二册,伯字1263号。

⑤《新唐书·吐蕃传》。

⑥敦煌汉文文献,斯6342,《张义潮进表》。

⑦陈陶陇西行,《全唐诗》第十一承,第四册。

⑧《张司业诗集》,卷七,陇西行。

⑨伯希和,3419号卷子。

⑩敦煌文献,斯2736号卷子,斯10002号卷子。

⑾伯字2762号卷子(又编号为1263号)。

⑿伯字2765号卷子。

⒀斯1438号卷子《吐蕃守使书仪》。

⒁斯1483号卷子。

①《旧唐书·吐蕃传》。

②见拉萨长庆会盟碑碑文拓片。

③见《敦煌藏文文选》第一集,伯字986号。此四篇均出自《尚书·周书》,从《泰哲中篇》开头至《武成篇》止。

④见《敦煌藏文文选》第二集,伯字1291号。

⑤见伯字992和1284,724。

⑥1993年发表在《法兰西学院通报》第79卷1期,载《藏族研究文集》第二集,中央民族学院藏学研究所1984年印于北京。

①罗秉芬《唐代藏汉文化交流的历史见证——敦煌古藏佛经变文研究》。

①熊坤新《吐蕃王朝时期一部重要的伦理学文献》,《藏学研究论丛》【三】,西藏人民出版社1991年版。

(一)词语与姓氏

从生活在敦煌的吐蕃人的姓氏中也可以看出汉族对吐蕃的直接影响。在吐蕃,传统上只有贵族有姓氏而一般民众是不能有姓氏的。但在敦煌却改变了这一习俗。在敦煌吐蕃遗书中,我们可以看到不少冠以汉族姓氏的吐蕃人。如P.T.997 号文书的王悉诺椤、郭悉诺山;P.T.1297 号文书的王云悉顿、张达杰、索累赞;P.T.1003 号文书的李僧正贝登;P.T.1096号文书的安赞西村等。①

据法国著名学者石泰安在《西藏的文明》一书中研究发现,敦煌藏文文献的古歌词中,其使用的衬字、叠句、重复对称原则的使用应该相当古老的传统,与汉地文学有一定的关系。比如其最常见的衬字hi就与《楚辞》中的“兮”音义一致。近年来许多国内学者也有人认为敦煌变文的源头应该《楚辞》。②因此,藏文古歌与变文之间发生相互作用和影响的可能性确实存在。

①石泰安《西藏的文明》,西藏人民出版社1987年版。

②牛龙菲《中国散韵相间、兼说兼唱之文体的》,载《敦煌学辑刊》,1983年第四辑。

内容仅供参考

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