罗斯福的就职演讲

first inaugural address of franklin d. roosevelt saturday, march 4, 1933 i am certain that my fellow americans expect that on my induction into the

presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation

of our nation impels. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole

truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our

country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will

prosper. so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have

to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes

needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national

life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support

of the people themselves which is essential to victory. i am convinced that you will

again give that support to leadership in these critical days. more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence,

and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny

the dark realities of the moment. true they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn

tradition. faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more

money. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their

false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored

confidence. they know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have no

vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our

civilization. we may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of the restoration

lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary

profit. happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of

achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy and moral stimulation of work

no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days

will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be

ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes

hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high

political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and

personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business

which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish

wrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty,

on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish

performance; without them it cannot live. restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation asks

for action, and action now. hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population

in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution,

endeavor to

provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. the task

can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and

with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing

realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes

and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, state, and local

governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. it

can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,

uneconomical, and unequal. it can be helped by national planning for and finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards

against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision

of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with

other peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. there are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in

special

session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate

assistance of the several states. the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not

narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states--a

recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spirit

of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest

assurance that the recovery will endure. in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the

good

neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so,

respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects

the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never

realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but

we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and

loyal army willing to

action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government

which we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple and

practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in

emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our

constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political

mechanism the modern world has produced. it has met every stress of vast expansion

of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority

may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that

an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary

departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

but in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,

and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evade

the clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress for

the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war

against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were

in fact invaded by a foreign foe. for the trust reposed in me i will return the courage and the devotion that befit

the time. i can do no less. we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national

unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with

the clean

we do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the united

states have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they want

direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under

leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit

of the gift i take it.

译文：

富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲

星期六,1933年3月4日

我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断

地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首

畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴

和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——

一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。

凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜

利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面

的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的

收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产

品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取

微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为

缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起

他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍

增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主

要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定

失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到

人类心灵和理智的唾弃。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激

情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些

暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，

那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们

就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们

难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。

但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。

对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。

让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。篇二：罗斯福就职演说中文翻译

富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲，星期六,1933年3月4日

我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们

难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。

但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。

对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。篇三：罗斯福就职演说

1933年3月4日美国第32届总统罗斯福就职演说

这是奉献的日子。值此就职之际，同胞们一定期待着我能够就我国目前所处形势，向他们做出坦率而果断的说明。现在正是坦诚而勇敢地说出实情、全部实情的最好时机。我们毋须害怕直面我们目前的困境。我们伟大的国家过去经得住磨难，而且还将复兴，繁荣。因此，首先允许我表明我坚定的信念，我们唯一应该感到恐惧的是恐惧本身——那种无以名状的、盲目而不可理喻的恐惧，它阻碍人们做出必要的努力，反败为胜。在我国历史上任何一个黑色时期，每一位强有力的、真诚的领导人都曾经得到了人民的理解和支持，这是胜利的根本保证。我深信，在目前的危急时刻，你们必将再次对我们的执政表示支持。

我和你们一起以这种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。购买力已经萎缩到难以想象的程度；税收增加；人们的支持能力下降；各级政府机关面临着严重的经费削减；现行的贸易交易途径被冻结；工业企业枯枝败叶般四处飘零；农场主无法找到销售市场；成千上万家庭多年的积蓄丧失殆尽。更为严重的是，大批失业的市民们面临着严酷的生存困境，而众多的人们只能以艰苦的劳作换取微薄的报酬。只有盲目乐观的人才会无视现实的严峻。

然而，我们的不幸并不是由物质的匮乏造成的。我们没有遭受蝗虫的灾害。与我们的祖先所经受的艰难相比，我们要幸运的多了。而我们的祖先以其坚定信仰和无畏精神战胜了这一切。大自然的恩泽不断，而人类的努力更使它锦上添花。我

们的门廊前堆满了财富，但是大肆的挥霍却使我们入不敷出。这种后果主要是由商品交易的巨头们的顽固不化和愚蠢无能造成的。他们已经承认了失败，自动引退了。钱商们的无耻行径在公众舆论的法庭上受到谴责，并为世人所唾弃。

是的，他们曾经努力过，但是他们的努力却无法挣脱陈规旧俗的束缚。面对着信用危机，他们只是建议发放更多的贷款。他们惯常以利润引诱和控制大众，一旦失去了利润的诱饵，他们便不惜恩惠并施，声泪俱下地恳求公众重新恢复信心。他们只懂得利己主义的准则。他们缺乏高瞻远瞩，而没有远见的民族是要灭亡的。

钱商们从文明圣殿的高位逃跑了。现在我们可以让圣殿重新恢复传统的信念。恢复的程

度取决于我们的价值观念在多大程度上高于单一的金钱利润观念。

幸福并不驻足于对钱财的占有之中，而是根植于对成功的喜悦和对创造的兴奋之中。对工作的喜悦之情和对劳动的激励之感不应该再度迷失于对转瞬即失的利润的疯狂的追逐之中。如果这段惨淡岁月促使大家认识到，我们不应该听天由命，而是应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价是完全值得的。

认识到将物质财富视为衡量成功的标准是荒谬，也就会摈弃以显著地位和个人利益作为衡量公职和官位的标准这一错误观念；而且一定会终止那种常常以冷酷和自私的错误行径敷衍公众神圣信赖的金融和商业行为。难怪公众的信心正在消失，因为只有诚实、高尚、神圣的责任感、真诚的保护措施和无私的工作才能使信心枝繁叶茂；没

有这一切，信心便无法生存。

然而，复兴不仅仅需要道德观念的革新。我们的国家需要行动，需要立即行动。

我们最重要的基本任务是安臵人民的就业。这绝不是一个无法解决的难题，只要我们明智地、勇敢地正视这一问题。在某种程度上，它可以通过政府部门直接招募雇员的方式加以解决，就如我们处于战时紧急状态中所做的那样。同时，我们可以通过这种雇工的方式完成急需的工程项目，进而刺激和调整我们对自然资源的利用。

与此同时，我们必须坦率地承认，我们的工业中心人口过剩；我们要在全国范围内重新调配人口，为适合耕作的人们提供土地，以便更好地利用土地资源。我们可以通过努力提高农产品价格的途径，来促成这项工作，并借此提高城市的购买力。我们要切合实际，制止实行取消抵押品赎回权制度，挽回小家庭和小农场日益严重的损失。我们坚持要求联邦政府、州政府和各地政府立即采取措施大力削减费用；我们要对救济工作做出统筹安排，改变目前零散的、浪费的和不均的现状；我们要将所有形式的交通运输和其他一切明确的公共设施，交由国家统一计划和监控。有助于促进此项工作的方法很多，唯独空话无补于事。我们必须行动起来，立即行动起来。

最后，在恢复工作的进程中，我们需要做出两点保证，以避免重新陷入旧秩序的弊端之中：必须严格的监督所有的银行储蓄、信贷和投资活动；必须终止利用他人的款项进行投资的行为，银行必须有充足和可靠的现金储备。

这些是我们的工作路线。我会立即敦促新一届国会，在特别会议上就实行这些路线提出具体措施，而且我会要求一些州提供紧急援助。

通过这项行动纲领，我们将整顿秩序，平衡收支。恢复国际关系的工作虽然十分重要，但是从时间性和必要性而言，它必须从属于建立一个健全的国民经济体系的任务。我提倡务实的政策，分清轻重缓急。我将不遗余力地借助国际经济调整来恢复对外贸易，但是我们决不能待完成此项工作之后，再来处理国内的严峻经济形势。

这一基本思想指导着国内经济复苏的具体行动，它并不是狭义的民族主义。我们的首要考虑是，坚持合众国内部各因素和各部门之间相互依存的关系——这是对传统的、极其重要的美国拓荒精神的认同。这是复兴之道。这是一条捷径。它是复兴计划得以持续实施的强有力的保障。

在对外政策方面，我将奉行国家间的睦邻政策——坚定地尊重自己，也因此而尊重别人的权利；尊重自己的职责，同时尊重自己与世界各国之间的条约的尊严。

如果我对人民情绪的揣摩是正确的话，那么我们现在已经认识到我们之间的相互依存关系（这是我们先前从未意识到的），那就是：我们不能只是索取，我们也必须奉献。如果我们要前进，我们必须像一支训练有素且忠诚可靠的军队那样，甘于为维护良好的纪律而做出牺牲，因为没有良好的纪律就不可能有任何进步，就不可能实施有效的领导。我相信，我们愿意并且准备为实现这样的秩序而奉献我们的

生命和财产，因为惟有如此，我们才能实现以大众的利益为目标的领导。我计划实施这

样的领导，它能保证以更高的目标约束我们大家的神圣义务，从而形成一种只有在战时才会

出现的共同承担责任的统一体。

作出这项保证之后，我将义无反顾地领导这支由我国人民组成的伟大军队，井然有序地

着手处理我们的共同问题------ 根据宪法赋予我的职责，我准备提出我们积重难返的国家在灾难深重的世界中必须采取

的措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据经验和智慧提出的其它措施，我将竭尽宪法赋予我的

权力之所能，尽快将它付诸实施。

然而，万一国会否决了其中的任何一种方式，万一国内的严峻形势依然没有得到缓解，

我绝不会回避我那时将担负的责任。我将要求国会准予我动用解决危机的最高权力——向危

机开战的广泛的行政权力，这种权利相当于国家遭受外敌入侵时我所拥有的权利。

对于大家所赋予我的信任，我将用时代所要求的勇气和奉献作为回报。我将竭尽全力

------篇四：罗斯福就职演讲

罗斯福就职演讲胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个

神圣的日子．我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦

率而果断地向他们讲话．现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻．我们

不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况．这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，

它会复兴和繁荣起来．因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害

怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化

为泡影．凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，

从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件．我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支

持．我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难．感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方

面的．价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重

的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主

的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流．更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严

峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬．只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当

前这些阴暗的现实．但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资．我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾

害．我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感

到欣慰．大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增．富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在

我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去．这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统

治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了．贪得无

厌的货币兑换商的种种行径．将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃．是的，

他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法．面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出

更多的钱．没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含

泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心．他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则．他们没有眼光，而没有

眼光的人是要灭亡的．如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃．我们要以千古

不变的真理来重建这座庙宇．衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值

的程度．幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情．务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即1

逝的利润．如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的．认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为．难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责．而没有这些，就不可能有信心．但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念．这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来．我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作．只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决．这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程．我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用．明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成．避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成．联邦、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，州、有助于任务的完成．将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成．对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成．许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈．我们必须行动，立即行动．最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应．以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针．我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向 18 个州请求立即的援助．通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出．我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立．我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行．虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成．指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义．我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体

中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现．这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路．2

在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策．做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家．做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家．如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献．我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力．我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能．我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来．这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止．有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻．这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的．我们的宪法如此简单，实在．它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制．它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力．而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务．但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来．让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足．我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安．我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来．合众国人民并没有失败．他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动．他们要求有领导的纪律和方向．他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具．我接受这份厚赠．在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福．愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我．3

篇五：罗斯福就职演说

按：富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。） 1933年3月4日

值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。

更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。

但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。

他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。

钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。

幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的政治地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心；没有这一切，信心出就不能存在。

然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，象战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。

与此同时，我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩，因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人，一方面使土地得到更好的利用，一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。为了促成此项工作，要采取具体措施提高农产品价值，从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。要从实际出发

制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求。要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。要把一切形式的交通运输扣其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之，可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的，唯有空谈无用。我们必须行动起来，迅速行动起来。

最后，在恢复阶段中，我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证：必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资，以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动；必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。

这就是我们的行动路线。我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施，我还将要求各州立即提供支援。

通过此项行动纲领，我们将致力于整顿财政，平衡收支。我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要，但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。我主张采取切合实际的政策，分清轻重缓急。我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易，但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。

国家复兴的这些具体方法，其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。我们首先考虑的是：坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。这是复兴的道路。这是直接的道路。这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。

在对外政策方面，我认为我国应该奉行睦邻政策——决心尊重自己，从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务，也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。

如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确，尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解，我们现在则已经理解到：我们不能只要有所得，也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须象一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产，因为，只有实现这样的纪律，才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。我愿意提供这样的领导，保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束，从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。

作了这项保证之后，我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军，纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。

我们有从先辈那里继承下来的政府形式，纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。我们的宪法是简明扼要的，总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变，而无需动摇其基本形式。正是因为如此，我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的政治结构。它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。

但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。然而，史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。

我准备根据宪法赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。这些措施，以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施，我都将竭尽宪法所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。

然而，万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式，万一全国紧急状况仍然严重，我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力，就象在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。

对于给予我的信任，我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。我决不会有负众望。

我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日，深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气，明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念，坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得圆满成功。我们务使国民生计获得全面和

长久的保证。

我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。合众国的人民并未气馁。在困难中，他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向。他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具。我也是以这样的精神来担当的。

值此全国奉献之际，我们恳请上帝赐福。祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。祝愿上帝指引我前进。

罗斯福就职演讲【英文】

FDR & a New Deal for America

“It is hard, today, to imagine the level of expectation that greeted Franklin Delano Roosevelt when he ascended to take the reins from the much-maligned Hoover‖ (Jennings 155).―People are looking to you almost as they look to God‖ (qtd. in Jennings 157). By the end of his twelve years as president, ―people would find it hard to remember a day when he was not their leader, when they could not expect, at a time of need, to hear his soothing voice‖ (Jennings 157).

Roosevelt Takes Office March 4, 1933

1933: A Nation in Crisis ?1933: The Great Depression was almost 4 years old. ?Hoover was seen as ineffective ?Roosevelt was a symbol of hope ?The economy including the stock market, banks and general unemployment was reeling.

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罗斯福就职演讲稿

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My fellow citizens: 各位同胞： I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. 今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。 Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. 四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠于创建我国的法统。 So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. 因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人必须承继下去。 That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. 现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正处于对抗深远暴力和憎恨的战争。我们的经济元气大伤，是某些人贪婪且不负责任的后果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，为国家进入新时代做淮备所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意垮了。我们的医疗照护太昂贵，学校教育辜负了许多人。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。 These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. 这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失—持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。 Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met. 今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。 On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

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罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿 【--就职演讲稿】 就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了，下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！ 胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends: 值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. 我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们支付能力下降了；各级政府都遇到严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易贸易过程中遭到了冻结，工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄付之东流。

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说

First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure

富兰克林.德拉诺.罗斯福+首次就职演说

富兰克林．德拉诺．罗斯福 (FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT) 首次就职演说 First Inaugural Address I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself―nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give the support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our fore-fathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our door-steps, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. . . . Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. . . . Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forth-with on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which to-day are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly. Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the