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10 Ideas Changing the World Right Now

10 Ideas Changing the World Right Now
10 Ideas Changing the World Right Now

COVER

10 Ideas Changing the World Right Now

What's Next

The global economy is being remade before

our eyes. Here's what's on the horizon

? Jobs Are the New Assets

? Recycling the Suburbs

? The New Calvinism

? Reinstating The Interstate

? Amortality

? Africa: Open for Business

? The Rent-a-Country

? Biobanks

? Survival Stores

1. Jobs Are The New Assets

By BARBARA KIVIAT

Photo-illustration by Julie Teninbaum for Time; Lambert / Hulton Archive / Getty

Remember when jobs weren't worth your small talk? Think back a year or two. Picture yourself at a cocktail party or maybe picking up the kids from soccer. How did the conversation go? You talked about your house. A new deck! You talked about your portfolio. Gotta go small cap. Did you mention how much pleasure you derived from bringing home a steady paycheck? Probably not. "Land was valuable, and capital was valuable, and labor — who cared?" says David Ellison, a Boston-based money manager. "The attitude was, As long as I buy a few homes and invest in a hedge fund, I'm done. I can sit in my chair and watch football games."

We now know how that ended up. Your portfolio is down 50%, your mortgage is worth more than your house, and your savings account is barely visible. The job, meanwhile, is making a roaring comeback. Not in a statistical sense, of course. We are in a recession, after all: at 8.1%, unemployment hasn't been this high since 1983. But in terms of the American psyche — and a household's balance sheet —

we're rediscovering the job as the most valuable asset a person can have.

For years, we felt quite the opposite, and understandably so. From 1999 to 2006, the value of real estate owned by individuals more than doubled as the homeownership rate hit a record high. The money the typical family had in the stock market soared

from just 28% of financial assets in 1989 to a full 53% in 2007 as the percentage of families in the market jumped from 32% to 51%.

Houses and stocks — those were the things we paid attention to, the things that gave us the confidence to be good American consumers (hello, home-equity- lines of credit). At the same time, the percentage of income we saved dropped and dropped and dropped -until, thanks to the power of credit cards and other debt, it went negative in 2005. That was neatly explained away by the "wealth effect": we spent money we didn't have because we felt — and technically were — richer because of our assets.

All the while, we blissfully ignored a little concept economists like to call human capital. The cognition you've got up there in your head — your education and training — it's worth something. We can extract value not just from our homes and our portfolios but from ourselves as well. The mechanism for extracting that value? A job. "The income you earn from working is like the stream of interest income you might get from owning a bond," says Johns Hopkins University economist Christopher Carroll. "Think of it as a dividend on your human wealth."

Human capital is worth quite a lot. Gary Becker, the Nobel Prize-winning University of Chicago economist, figures that in a modern industrialized economy, 75% to 80% of a person's economic output comes from human capital (as opposed to, say, land or machinery). Of course, during the bubble years (first stocks, then housing), the noneconomists among us didn't exactly think about it that way. "People became mesmerized by how rich they were," says Becker, "and didn't realize the crucial asset they had in their earning power."

The tide is now turning. To see how, let's check back in with the savings rate. After it went negative in late 2005, it meandered back into minimally positive territory. Then, last year, it started bounding upward. By the fourth quarter, we were saving 3.2% of what we brought in. In January we hit 5%. No longer are we disrespecting our paychecks, treating employment income as an also-ran source of wealth. "People are realizing their job is their real source of financial stability," says Ellison, "that they

have to live within the means of their job, not within the means of their assets. We're relearning how to create wealth."

As we do this, we'll start looking at our jobs differently. If that thing you do at the office every day is suddenly your sole financial lifeline, you'll approach it more cautiously. When you've got only one chip left, you're much less willing to put it on the table. In this new era, a predictable salary is more appealing than the chance of scoring big with bonuses and stock options. And having a government job — one of the last bastions of security — looks even better. One day soon you might find yourself perusing a list of the fastest-growing, best-paying professions, trying to picture yourself as an actuary. And instead of spending thousands of dollars to build a new deck, you're more likely to use that money to take a class.

Careers expert Dick Bolles sees another shift coming. If as a society, we turn our attention back to work — if we dote on our jobs as much as we did on our homes and portfolios in an earlier era — then we'll have to start asking deeper questions about why we do what we do. In December, Bolles noticed that a book he wrote in 1970 was back on the best-seller list. What Color Is Your Parachute? is about job-hunting and career-changing, but it's also about figuring out who you are as a person and what you want out of life. "Why are people rushing out to buy a book that talks about more meaningful work?" asks Bolles. "They're realizing they have to rethink work if they've got no Plan B. It reframes the whole issue of, What type of work am I willing to do?"

That almost sounds like a happy ending: the flagging economy has finally set us straight on how valuable our work is. Too bad it has also made work that much harder to come by. So often we don't know the true value of what we have until it's gone.

2. Recycling the Suburbs

By BRYAN WALSH

As big retail centers die out, suburbs have begun remaking them into libraries, schools and town centers.

Brian Ulrich

The American suburb as we know it is dying. The implosion began with the housing bust, which started in and has hit hardest the once vibrant neighborhoods outside the urban core. Shopping malls and big-box retail stores, the commercial anchors of the suburbs, are going dark — an estimated 148,000 stores closed last year, the most since 2001. But the shift is deeper than the economic downturn. Thanks to changing demographics, including a steady decline in the percentage of households with kids and a growing preference for urban amenities among Americans young and old, the suburban dream of the big house with the big lawn is vanishing. The Metropolitan Institute at Virginia Tech predicts that by 2025 there will be a surplus of 22 million large-lot homes (on one-sixth of an acre [675 sq m] or more) in the U.S.

Environmentalists will celebrate the demise of sprawling suburbs, which left the nation addicted to cars. But all the steel, concrete and asphalt that went into making the suburbs can't simply be tossed out in favor of something new, even if it's perfectly green. That would be worse. "As much as possible, we need to redirect development to existing communities and infrastructure," says Kaid Benfield, director

of the smart-growth program at the Natural Resources Defense Council. "Otherwise, we're just eating up more land and natural resources."

The suburbs need to be remade, and just such a transformation is under way in regions that were known for some of the worst sprawl in the U.S. Communities as diverse as Lakewood, Colo., and Long Beach, Calif., have repurposed boarded-up malls as mixed-use developments with retail stores, offices and apartments. In auto-dependent suburbs that were built without a traditional center, shopping malls offer the chance to create downtowns without destroying existing infrastructure, by recycling what's known as underperforming asphalt. "All of these projects are developer-driven, because the market wants them," says Ellen Dunham-Jones, a co-author of the new book Retrofitting Suburbia.

Not every suburb will make it. The fringes of a suburb like Riverside in Southern California, where housing prices have fallen more than 20% since the bust began, could be too diffuse to thrive in a future where density is no longer taboo. It'll be the older inner suburbs like Tysons Corner, Va., that will have the mass transit, public space and economic gravity to thrive postrecession. Though creative cities will grow more attractive for empty-nest -retirees and young graduates alike, we won't all be moving to New York. Many Americans will still prefer the space of the suburbs — including the parking spaces. "People want to balance the privacy of the suburbs with more public and social areas," says Dunham-Jones. But the result will be a U.S. that is more sustainable — environmentally and economically.

3. The New Calvinism

By DAVID VAN BIEMA

Illustration by Lorenzo Petrantoni for TIME; Calvin: Popperfoto / Getty

If you really want to follow the development of conservative Christianity, track its musical hits. In the early 1900s you might have heard "The Old Rugged Cross," a celebration of the atonement. By the 1980s you could have shared the Jesus-is-my-buddy intimacy of "Shine, Jesus, Shine." And today, more and more top songs feature a God who is very big, while we are...well, hark the David Crowder Band: "I am full of earth/ You are heaven's worth/ I am stained with dirt/ Prone to depravity."

Calvinism is back, and not just musically. John Calvin's 16th century reply to medieval Catholicism's buy-your-way-out-of-purgatory excesses is Evangelicalism's latest success story, complete with an utterly sovereign and micromanaging deity, sinful and puny humanity, and the combination's logical consequence, predestination: the belief that before time's dawn, God decided whom he would save (or not), unaffected by any subsequent human action or decision.

Calvinism, cousin to the Reformation's other pillar, Lutheranism, is a bit less dour than its critics claim: it offers a rock-steady deity who orchestrates absolutely everything, including illness (or home foreclosure!), by a logic we may not understand but don't have to second-guess. Our satisfaction — and our purpose — is fulfilled simply by "glorifying" him. In the 1700s, Puritan preacher Jonathan Edwards

invested Calvinism with a rapturous near mysticism. Yet it was soon overtaken in the U.S. by movements like Methodism that were more impressed with human will. Calvinist-descended liberal bodies like the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) discovered other emphases, while Evangelicalism's loss of appetite for rigid doctrine — and the triumph of that friendly, fuzzy Jesus — seemed to relegate hard-core Reformed preaching (Reformed operates as a loose synonym for Calvinist) to a few crotchety Southern churches.

No more. Neo-Calvinist ministers and authors don't operate quite on a Rick Warren scale. But, notes Ted Olsen, a managing editor at Christianity Today, "everyone knows where the energy and the passion are in the Evangelical world" — with the pioneering new-Calvinist John Piper of Minneapolis, Seattle's pugnacious Mark Driscoll and Albert Mohler, head of the Southern Seminary of the huge Southern Baptist Convention. The Calvinist-flavored ESV Study Bible sold out its first printing, and Reformed blogs like Between Two Worlds are among cyber-Christendom's hottest links.

Like the Calvinists, more moderate Evangelicals are exploring cures for the movement's doctrinal drift, but can't offer the same blanket assurance. "A lot of young people grew up in a culture of brokenness, divorce, drugs or sexual temptation," says Collin Hansen, author of Young, Restless, Reformed: A Journalist's Journey with the New Calvinists. "They have plenty of friends: what they need is a God." Mohler says, "The moment someone begins to define God's [being or actions] biblically, that person is drawn to conclusions that are traditionally classified as Calvinist." Of course, that presumption of inevitability has drawn accusations of arrogance and divisiveness since Calvin's time. Indeed, some of today's enthusiasts imply that non-Calvinists may actually not be Christians. Skirmishes among the Southern Baptists (who have a competing non-Calvinist camp) and online "flame wars" bode badly.

Calvin's 500th birthday will be this July. It will be interesting to see whether Calvin's latest legacy will be classic Protestant backbiting or whether, during these hard

times, more Christians searching for security will submit their wills to the austerely demanding God of their country's infancy.

4. Reinstating the Interstate

By RICHARD LACAYO

A light rail system runs along the interstate in Portland, Oregon.

Miles Hochstein / Portland Ground

Maybe the most unlikely thing that Barack Obama has accomplished in the past few months is that he's made infra-structure sexy. O.K., not sexy, but at least a hot topic. Rebuilding scuffed and threadbare roads and bridges all around the U.S. is an Obama priority. The recent stimulus package contained $8 billion to develop new intercity high-speed rail lines.

But the biggest single chunk of infra-structure in the U.S. is the interstate highway system, more than 47,000 miles (76,000 km) of multilane roadways connecting every major American city. And people who spend time envisioning improved systems for energy and transit have ideas for the interstates that go far beyond fresh asphalt and new guard-rails. They've been talking up ways in which the big roads could become the backbone of a larger network of railways and broadband cables and even a new, more efficient electrical power grid.

The construction of the interstate highway system, which Congress authorized in 1956, was one of the great can-do enterprises of the post-World War II era, the largest public-works project in history. But now the interstates look like a vast monument to the law of unintended consequences. They turned out to be the great

enabler of America's car culture and the fossil-fuel consumption that goes with it. And by making it possible to live far from where you work, they were the key element in the phenomenon of suburban sprawl.

So can the big roads be remade into something better than 47,000 miles of temptation? This is where the new thinking about a highway/light-rail/power-grid nexus comes in. The first great advantage of the interstates is that they represent an established right of way. The government owns the road-beds and adjacent land, so rail and power lines can be laid down without the need to purchase more land. "Right of way is a precious resource," says Representative Earl Blumenauer, an Oregon Democrat who has become a point person in Congress on infrastructure issues. "It's been developed over centuries at great cost. It's strategically located and immediately available."

And it's already being put to use in some places. In the new expansion of the Portland Light Rail system in Oregon, the trains run alongside the road. And in Portland some stretches of that road are also being equipped with solar panels to power the roadside lights. But maybe the most audacious idea comes from the Al Gore-affiliated Repower America, a clean-energy advocacy group. Highways could be one of the routes for the new, more efficient electrical power grid that Repower advocates. And that grid would be available for battery-powered and hybrid vehicles to draw from and even sell surplus power back to. Envision a system in which you drive to a light-rail station along the interstate, plug into a smart grid at the parking lot and ride the train to work while your car recharges.

But making these ideas work will require an unusual degree of coordination among states, regions and regulatory bodies. "There's one group of people looking at highways," says Shelley Poticha, president of Reconnecting America, a mass-transit advocacy group. "There's another looking at passenger rail and a different group looking at freight." She thinks the solution is a bipartisan federal commission "like the commission that oversaw military-base closings, so that we can have a strategy for the highways." It was, after all, one great federal effort that built the interstates. Maybe it can be another one that rebuilds them.

5. Amortality

By CATHERINE MAYER

Illustration by Lou Beach for TIME; Madonna headshot, body third from right: Frank Micelotta / Getty

When Simon Cowell let slip last month that he planned to have his corpse cryonically preserved, wags suggested that the snarky American Idol judge may have already tested the deep-freezing procedure on his face. In 2007, Cowell, now 49, told an interviewer that he used Botox. "I like to take care of myself," he said. Cowell is in show biz, where artifice routinely imitates life. But here's a fact startling enough to raise eyebrows among Botox enthusiasts: his fellow Brits, famously unconcerned with personal grooming, have tripled the caseload of the country's cosmetic surgeons since 2003. The transfiguration of the snaggletoothed island race is part of a phenomenon taking hold around the developed world: amortality.

You may not have heard of amortality before — mainly because I've just coined the term. It's about more than just the ripple effect of baby boomers' resisting the onset of age. Amortality is a stranger, stronger alchemy, created by the intersection of that trend with a massive increase in life expectancy and a deep decline in the influence of organized religion — all viewed through the blue haze of Viagra.

Amortals live among us. In their teens and 20s, they may seem preternaturally experienced. In later life, they often look young and dress younger. They have kids early or late — sometimes very late — or not at all. Their emotional lives are as

chaotic as their financial planning. The defining characteristic of amortality is to live in the same way, at the same pitch, doing and consuming much the same things, from late teens right up until death.

Cowell is one of their poster boys; so too is France's Nicolas Sarkozy, as mercurial as a hormonal teenager. Madonna is relentlessly amortal. It's easier to diagnose the condition in the middle-aged, but there are baby amortals — think Mark Zuckerberg, the world's youngest self-made billionaire, who looks set to comport himself like a student geek to the end of his days. The eldest amortals, born long before the first boomer wave, are still making mischief around the world.

Amortals don't just dread extinction. They deny it. Ray Kurzweil encourages them to do so. Fantastic Voyage, which the futurist and cryonics enthusiast co-wrote with Terry Grossman, recommends a regimen to forestall aging so that adherents live long enough to take advantage of forthcoming "radical life-extending and life-enhancing technologies." Cambridge University gerontologist Aubrey de Grey is toiling away at just such research in his laboratory. "We are in serious striking distance of stopping aging," says De Grey, founder and chairman of the Methuselah Foundation, which awards the Mprize to each successive research team that breaks the record for the life span of a mouse. It is "bleeding obvious," he adds, that it is possible to extend the human life span indefinitely. "Most people take the view that aging is this natural thing that is going on independently of disease. That's nonsense. The fact is that age-related diseases are age-related diseases because they're the later stages of aging."

For all the optimism about how science may prolong life, mice and humans keep turning up their toes. No matter how much the government bullies and cajoles, amortals rarely make adequate provision for their final years. Yet even as faltering amortals strain the public purse, so their determination to wring every drop out of life brings benefits to the private sector. They prop up the tottering music industry, are lifelong consumers of gadgets and gizmos, keep gyms busy and colorists in demand. From their youth, when they behave as badly as adults, to their dotage, when they behave as badly as youngsters, amortals hate to be pigeonholed by age.

They're a highly sexed bunch. Viagra and its cousins help give elderly amortals a pleasurable alternative to aqua aerobics while blotting out those pesky intimations of mortality. At the Coco de Mer erotica shop in Los Angeles, which offers instruction in subjects like "Being a Mistress in the Bedroom," patrons recently included two women in their 80s. "They were both like, 'Help — we want to have fun,'" says the store's owner, Justine Roddick.

Notions of age-appropriate behavior will soon be relegated as firmly to the past as dentures and black-and-white television. "The important thing is not how many years have passed since you were born," says Nick Bostrom, director of the Future of Humanity Institute at Oxford, "but where you are in your life, how you think about yourself and what you are able and willing to do." If that doesn't sound like a manifesto for revolution, it's only because amortality has already revolutionized our attitudes toward age.

6. Africa, Business Destination

By ALEX PERRY

New Chinese owners got this Congolese wood-processing plant working again.

Paolo Woods for TIME

Togo is like much of West Africa — small, poor and an occasional producer of sensational soccer players — but for the bank. Lomé, Togo's capital, is home to Ecobank, a 21-year-old pan-African retail and corporate bank that, according to CEO Arnold Ekpe, employs 11,000 people in 620 branches in 26 countries, with a balance sheet of $8 billion.

Unlike a lot of other banks, Ecobank is expanding. It has opened 200 branches since 2006 and aims to set up in three more countries by June. What's more, it actually makes money: annual profits were up 47%, to $191 million, in 2007 and up 32%, to $104 million, for the third quarter of 2008 alone, the latest period for which figures are available. Even more extraordinary, it is managing to raise money in the "crunched" capital markets — $700 million since August. Granted, the world's banks are in a historic crisis. That does not make any less arresting the thought that some of the best-performing bankers on the planet right now come from a place called Togo. "Warren Buffett is based in Nebraska," says Ekpe. "It's not where you are. It's what you do."

Up to a point. In Africa's case, the perception has long been that where you are renders all but irrelevant what you do. Africa is hopeless, a place of war and famine seemingly populated almost entirely by tyrants and children with flies in their eyes. According to this view, if Africa generates any kind of growth, it is in suffering — and in the overseas aid sent to address that, now a $40-billion-a-year industry. Naturally, with a new appeal every year and a new disaster every other, some people have begun to wonder if all that money is doing any good. They argue that aid creates dependence, fuels corruption, undermines democracy and stifles development. They have written books with titles like The Trouble with Africa: Why Foreign Aid Isn't Working (by an ex-spokesman for the World Bank in Africa) and Dead Aid (by a Zambia-born former Goldman Sachs investment banker).

And that debate is important, no doubt. But it is drowning out a more significant development. Ecobank's success is not an isolated blip, and aid is no longer Africa's main source of foreign income. Africa is becoming a business destination.

In 2006, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, foreign investment in Africa reached $48 billion, overtaking foreign aid for the first time. That gap has only widened, reflecting a quadrupling of foreign investment since 2000. As the senior adviser in Africa for the International Monetary Fund (IMF), David Nellor, noted in a report last September, sub-Saharan Africa today resembles Asia in the 1980s. "The private sector is the key driver," wrote Nellor, "and financial markets are opening up." War is down. Democracy is up. Inflation and interest rates are in single digits. Terms of trade have improved. Crucially, said Nellor, "growth is taking off." The IMF puts Africa's average annual growth for 2004 to '08 at more than 6% — better than any developed economy — and predicts the continent will buck the global recessionary trend to grow nearly 3.3% this year.

Yes, Africa is still a continent of commodities — with its forests, oil fields and mines — and demand for commodities has plummeted. Yes, Africa still has its Darfurs, Somalias, Congos and Zimbabwes. But commodity prices are higher than they were in the 1990s. Most Africans are not middle class, but most also no longer live in extreme poverty. The World Bank says the percentage of Africans living on $1.25 a

day or less dropped from 59% to 51% from 1996 to 2005 and has decreased further since.

In an article for the online journal allAfrica in February, Oxford University economist Paul Collier and Witney Schneidman, who advised President Obama on Africa during his campaign, noted that Africa now offers the world's highest rate of return on investment. "Africa, usually the poorest performing region in the world economy, is now likely to be among the best-performing," they wrote. "Moreover, the region has been largely immune from the current banking crisis...The continent's financial institutions did not venture into derivatives or sub-prime mortgages." Shanta Devarajan, the World Bank's chief economist for Africa, says the current downturn might be unfair to the continent, since it is "not remotely Africa's fault," but it should not alter the underlying trend: "There has definitely been a transition in the last few years. The continent now has huge potential." Or as Stephen Hayes, president and CEO of the Corporate Council on Africa, puts it, "Africa offers more opportunity than any place in the world."

Perhaps the most compelling evidence that Africa is now a business destination is China's new love for it. While the old superpowers still agonize over Africa's poverty, the new one is captivated by its riches. Trade between Africa and China has grown an average of 30% in the past decade, topping $106 billion last year. Chinese engineers are at work across the continent, mining copper in Zambia and cobalt in the Democratic Republic of Congo and tapping oil in Angola. Nor is this merely exploitative. China bought its access by agreeing to create a new infrastructure for Africa, building roads, railways, hospitals and schools across the continent. The current crisis is not expected to affect China's march in Africa: on the contrary, with the West's plans in Africa on hold at best, Beijing views it as an opportunity to extend China's lead. "We will continue to have a vigorous aid program here, and Chinese companies will continue to invest as much as possible," Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi said in South Africa in January. "It is a win-win solution." Dambisa Moyo, who wrote Dead Aid, says those who need convincing about Africa should ask themselves if they are convinced about China, "because if you back China, you're backing Africa." Ecobank CEO Ekpe says part of the explanation for

China's zeal for Africa is a new way of looking at Africans. "[The Chinese] are not setting out to do good," he says. "They are setting out to do business. It's actually much less demeaning."

And that gets to what, for Africans, is the emotional heart of the matter — and why joining the business world means so much. Though it rarely occurs to Westerners who've been instructed that Africa needs their help, charity is humiliating. Not emergency charity, of course: when disaster strikes, emergency aid is always welcome, whether in New Orleans or Papua New Guinea. But long-term charity, living life as a beggar, is degrading. Andrew Rugasira, 40, runs Good African Coffee, a Ugandan company he set up in 2004 to supply British supermarkets under the motto "Trade, not aid." He is emblematic of a new generation of African antiaid, antistate entrepreneurs. For Rugasira, aid not only "undermines the creativity to lift yourself out of poverty" but also "undermines the integrity and dignity of the people. It says, These are people who cannot figure out how to develop." Aid even manages to silence those it is meant to help. "African governments become accountable to Western donors," says Rugasira, "and Africa finds itself represented not by Africans but by Bono and Bob Geldof. I mean, how would America react if Amy Winehouse dropped in to advise them on the credit crisis?"

And if that's a striking inversion, consider another one. Look back at the African growth figures once more. Compare them with this year's forecasts for the developed world. Who's the basket case now?

7. The Rent-A-Country

By KRISTA MAHR

Albert Moldvay / National Geographic / Getty

Take a moment to consider breakfast, the most important meal of the day. Maybe you grabbed a banana or ate a bowl of granola. Whatever it was, chances are that some — if not all — of your morning meal came from a country you don't live in.

Food isolationism is dead. It collapsed in a messy, public heap last year when oil hit $100-plus per bbl. and the world's crush on biofuels pushed food prices to unprecedented highs. Thirty-six nations needed food aid. Twenty-five imposed export bans or restrictions to keep staple crops like rice and wheat at home. As prices shot up 50%, food riots erupted in Haiti, killing at least five, and eventually brought down the government.

And then something else happened. A few diplomats and business leaders quietly boarded their jets and got to work. Countries like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and South Korea — well-off states without enough good land or water to feed their people — started to look outside their borders. "It's economically not viable to grow food in the desert," says David Hallam, deputy director of trade and markets for the U.N.'s Food and Agriculture Organization. "They said, 'If we can't grow our own food, we'll grow it somewhere else.'"

Their words did not fall on deaf ears. In April, diplomatic relations between Cambodia and Qatar were officially established. In May, the Presidents of South Korea and Sudan discussed food cooperation at the launch of the Korea-Arab Society in Seoul. The Saudi Binladin Group penned nonbinding agreements with Indonesia to plant rice on some 1.5 million acres (607,000 hectares) of island paradise, and millions more have reportedly been earmarked, from Pakistan and Kazakhstan to Burma and the Philippines. Alwi Shihab, a special economic adviser on the Middle East to the President of Indonesia, sees this new investment as a boon to the nation's agricultural sector. "We have large, sizable, fertile -land and good water," says Shihab.

Growing crops for strangers, of course, is nothing new. The long, grim march of colonialism was driven by Europe's penchant for sugar, tea, tobacco and other crops that don't flourish in northern climes. But as climate change and growing populations put ever more pressure on the earth, state-backed searches for land and food contracts as part of a national food-security strategy strike many as fundamentally new. "We're talking about a whole different logic," says Renée Vellvé, a researcher for Grain, an organization that has been compiling media reports of these deals. Vellvé's group sees a downside. When farmers in food-insecure countries like Laos and Cambodia are scrambling to feed their children, does it make sense to lease out vast tracts to grow rice for foreign governments? "These are not fallow fields," says Paul Risley, a World Food Program spokesman based in Thailand. "These are villages where families have farmed for centuries."

And for investors, moving into regions where so many depend so fiercely on the land can translate into risk. "You see a backlash," says Rajesh Behal, a principal investment officer for International Finance Corp., which has just put $75 million into an emerging-market agribusiness fund. "People say, 'Who are these people, and how long will they be there?'" In July, South Korea's Daewoo Logistics signed contracts to lease more than 2.2 million acres (900,000 hectares) in Madagascar — more than a third of the island nation's arable land — to grow corn and oil palms. A violent political dispute erupted in the capital soon after, complicating the deal. "Farming is a

最新The_Monster课文翻译

Deems Taylor: The Monster 怪才他身材矮小,头却很大,与他的身材很不相称——是个满脸病容的矮子。他神经兮兮,有皮肤病,贴身穿比丝绸粗糙一点的任何衣服都会使他痛苦不堪。而且他还是个夸大妄想狂。他是个极其自负的怪人。除非事情与自己有关,否则他从来不屑对世界或世人瞧上一眼。对他来说,他不仅是世界上最重要的人物,而且在他眼里,他是惟一活在世界上的人。他认为自己是世界上最伟大的戏剧家之一、最伟大的思想家之一、最伟大的作曲家之一。听听他的谈话,仿佛他就是集莎士比亚、贝多芬、柏拉图三人于一身。想要听到他的高论十分容易,他是世上最能使人筋疲力竭的健谈者之一。同他度过一个夜晚,就是听他一个人滔滔不绝地说上一晚。有时,他才华横溢;有时,他又令人极其厌烦。但无论是妙趣横生还是枯燥无味,他的谈话只有一个主题:他自己,他自己的所思所为。他狂妄地认为自己总是正确的。任何人在最无足轻重的问题上露出丝毫的异议,都会激得他的强烈谴责。他可能会一连好几个小时滔滔不绝,千方百计地证明自己如何如何正确。有了这种使人耗尽心力的雄辩本事,听者最后都被他弄得头昏脑涨,耳朵发聋,为了图个清静,只好同意他的说法。他从来不会觉得,对于跟他接触的人来说,他和他的所作所为并不是使人产生强烈兴趣而为之倾倒的事情。他几乎对世间的任何领域都有自己的理

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人教版高中语文必修必背课文精编WORD版

人教版高中语文必修必背课文精编W O R D版 IBM system office room 【A0816H-A0912AAAHH-GX8Q8-GNTHHJ8】

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彷徨在悠长、悠长 又寂寥的雨巷, 我希望飘过 一个丁香一样地 结着愁怨的姑娘。 再别康桥(全文)徐志摩 轻轻的我走了,正如我轻轻的来; 我轻轻的招手,作别西天的云彩。 那河畔的金柳,是夕阳中的新娘; 波光里的艳影,在我的心头荡漾。 软泥上的青荇,油油的在水底招摇; 在康河的柔波里,我甘心做一条水草! 那榆荫下的一潭,不是清泉, 是天上虹揉碎在浮藻间,沉淀着彩虹似的梦。寻梦?撑一支长篙,向青草更青处漫溯, 满载一船星辉,在星辉斑斓里放歌。

如何翻译古文

如何翻译古文 学习古代汉语,需要经常把古文译成现代汉语。因为古文今译的过程是加深理解和全面运用古汉语知识解决实际问题的过程,也是综合考察古代汉语水平的过程。学习古代汉语,应该重视古文翻译的训练。 古文翻译的要求一般归纳为信、达、雅三项。“信”是指译文要准确地反映原作的含义,避免曲解原文内容。“达”是指译文应该通顺、晓畅,符合现代汉语语法规范。“信”和“达”是紧密相关的。脱离了“信”而求“达”,不能称为翻译;只求“信”而不顾“达”,也不是好的译文。因此“信”和“达”是文言文翻译的基本要求。“雅”是指译文不仅准确、通顺,而且生动、优美,能再现原作的风格神韵。这是很高的要求,在目前学习阶段,我们只要能做到“信”和“达”就可以了。 做好古文翻译,重要的问题是准确地理解古文,这是翻译的基础。但翻译方法也很重要。这里主要谈谈翻译方法方面的问题。 一、直译和意译 直译和意译是古文今译的两大类型,也是两种不同的今译方法。 1.关于直译。所谓直译,是指紧扣原文,按原文的字词和句子进行对等翻译的今译方法。它要求忠实于原文,一丝不苟,确切表达原意,保持原文的本来面貌。例如: 原文:樊迟请学稼,子曰:“吾不如老农。”请学为圃。子曰:“吾不如老圃。”(《论语?子路》) 译文:樊迟请求学种庄稼。孔子道:“我不如老农民。”又请求学种菜蔬。孔子道:“我不如老菜农。”(杨伯峻《论语译注》) 原文:齐宣王问曰:“汤放桀,武王伐纣,有诸?”(《孟子?梁惠王下》) 译文:齐宣王问道:“商汤流放夏桀,武王讨伐殷纣,真有这回事吗?(杨伯峻《孟子译注》) 上面两段译文紧扣原文,字词落实,句法结构基本上与原文对等,属于直译。 但对直译又不能作简单化理解。由于古今汉语在文字、词汇、语法等方面的差异,今译时对原文作一些适当的调整,是必要的,并不破坏直译。例如: 原文:逐之,三周华不注。(《齐晋鞌之战》) 译文:〔晋军〕追赶齐军,围着华不注山绕了三圈。

(完整版)Unit7TheMonster课文翻译综合教程四

Unit 7 The Monster Deems Taylor 1He was an undersized little man, with a head too big for his body ― a sickly little man. His nerves were bad. He had skin trouble. It was agony for him to wear anything next to his skin coarser than silk. And he had delusions of grandeur. 2He was a monster of conceit. Never for one minute did he look at the world or at people, except in relation to himself. He believed himself to be one of the greatest dramatists in the world, one of the greatest thinkers, and one of the greatest composers. To hear him talk, he was Shakespeare, and Beethoven, and Plato, rolled into one. He was one of the most exhausting conversationalists that ever lived. Sometimes he was brilliant; sometimes he was maddeningly tiresome. But whether he was being brilliant or dull, he had one sole topic of conversation: himself. What he thought and what he did. 3He had a mania for being in the right. The slightest hint of disagreement, from anyone, on the most trivial point, was enough to set him off on a harangue that might last for hours, in which he proved himself right in so many ways, and with such exhausting volubility, that in the end his hearer, stunned and deafened, would agree with him, for the sake of peace. 4It never occurred to him that he and his doing were not of the most intense and fascinating interest to anyone with whom he came in contact. He had theories about almost any subject under the sun, including vegetarianism, the drama, politics, and music; and in support of these theories he wrote pamphlets, letters, books ... thousands upon thousands of words, hundreds and hundreds of pages. He not only wrote these things, and published them ― usually at somebody else’s expense ― but he would sit and read them aloud, for hours, to his friends, and his family. 5He had the emotional stability of a six-year-old child. When he felt out of sorts, he would rave and stamp, or sink into suicidal gloom and talk darkly of going to the East to end his days as a Buddhist monk. Ten minutes later, when something pleased him he would rush out of doors and run around the garden, or jump up and down off the sofa, or stand on his head. He could be grief-stricken over the death of a pet dog, and could be callous and heartless to a degree that would have made a Roman emperor shudder. 6He was almost innocent of any sense of responsibility. He was convinced that

人教版高中语文必修一背诵篇目

高中语文必修一背诵篇目 1、《沁园春长沙》毛泽东 独立寒秋,湘江北去,橘子洲头。 看万山红遍,层林尽染;漫江碧透,百舸争流。 鹰击长空,鱼翔浅底,万类霜天竞自由。 怅寥廓,问苍茫大地,谁主沉浮? 携来百侣曾游,忆往昔峥嵘岁月稠。 恰同学少年,风华正茂;书生意气,挥斥方遒。 指点江山,激扬文字,粪土当年万户侯。 曾记否,到中流击水,浪遏飞舟? 2、《诗两首》 (1)、《雨巷》戴望舒 撑着油纸伞,独自 /彷徨在悠长、悠长/又寂寥的雨巷, 我希望逢着 /一个丁香一样的 /结着愁怨的姑娘。 她是有 /丁香一样的颜色,/丁香一样的芬芳, /丁香一样的忧愁, 在雨中哀怨, /哀怨又彷徨; /她彷徨在这寂寥的雨巷, 撑着油纸伞 /像我一样, /像我一样地 /默默彳亍着 冷漠、凄清,又惆怅。 /她静默地走近/走近,又投出 太息一般的眼光,/她飘过 /像梦一般地, /像梦一般地凄婉迷茫。 像梦中飘过 /一枝丁香的, /我身旁飘过这女郎; 她静默地远了,远了,/到了颓圮的篱墙, /走尽这雨巷。 在雨的哀曲里, /消了她的颜色, /散了她的芬芳, /消散了,甚至她的 太息般的眼光, /丁香般的惆怅/撑着油纸伞,独自 /彷徨在悠长,悠长 又寂寥的雨巷, /我希望飘过 /一个丁香一样的 /结着愁怨的姑娘。 (2)、《再别康桥》徐志摩 轻轻的我走了, /正如我轻轻的来; /我轻轻的招手, /作别西天的云彩。 那河畔的金柳, /是夕阳中的新娘; /波光里的艳影, /在我的心头荡漾。 软泥上的青荇, /油油的在水底招摇; /在康河的柔波里, /我甘心做一条水草!那榆阴下的一潭, /不是清泉,是天上虹 /揉碎在浮藻间, /沉淀着彩虹似的梦。寻梦?撑一支长篙, /向青草更青处漫溯, /满载一船星辉, /在星辉斑斓里放歌。但我不能放歌, /悄悄是别离的笙箫; /夏虫也为我沉默, / 沉默是今晚的康桥!悄悄的我走了, /正如我悄悄的来;/我挥一挥衣袖, /不带走一片云彩。 4、《荆轲刺秦王》 太子及宾客知其事者,皆白衣冠以送之。至易水上,既祖,取道。高渐离击筑,荆轲和而歌,为变徵之声,士皆垂泪涕泣。又前而为歌曰:“风萧萧兮易水寒,壮士一去兮不复还!”复为慷慨羽声,士皆瞋目,发尽上指冠。于是荆轲遂就车而去,终已不顾。 5、《记念刘和珍君》鲁迅 (1)、真的猛士,敢于直面惨淡的人生,敢于正视淋漓的鲜血。这是怎样的哀痛者和幸福者?然而造化又常常为庸人设计,以时间的流驶,来洗涤旧迹,仅使留下淡红的血色和微漠的悲哀。在这淡红的血色和微漠的悲哀中,又给人暂得偷生,维持着这似人非人的世界。我不知道这样的世界何时是一个尽头!

翻译中的归化与异化

“异化”与“归化”之间的关系并评述 1、什么是归化与异化 归化”与“异化”是翻译中常面临的两种选择。钱锺书相应地称这两种情形叫“汉化”与“欧化”。A.归化 所谓“归化”(domestication 或target-language-orientedness),是指在翻译过程中尽可能用本民族的方式去表现外来的作品;归化翻译法旨在尽量减少译文中的异国情调,为目的语读者提供一种自然流畅的译文。Venuti 认为,归化法源于这一著名翻译论说,“尽量不干扰读者,请作者向读者靠近” 归化翻译法通常包含以下几个步骤:(1)谨慎地选择适合于归化翻译的文本;(2)有意识地采取一种自然流畅的目的语文体;(3)把译文调整成目的语篇体裁;(4)插入解释性资料;(5)删去原文中的实观材料;(6)调协译文和原文中的观念与特征。 B.“异化”(foreignization或source-language-orientedness)则相反,认为既然是翻译,就得译出外国的味儿。异化是根据既定的语法规则按字面意思将和源语文化紧密相连的短语或句子译成目标语。例如,将“九牛二虎之力”译为“the strength of nine bulls and two tigers”。异化能够很好地保留和传递原文的文化内涵,使译文具有异国情调,有利于各国文化的交流。但对于不熟悉源语及其文化的读者来说,存在一定的理解困难。随着各国文化交流愈来愈紧密,原先对于目标语读者很陌生的词句也会变得越来越普遍,即异化的程度会逐步降低。 Rome was not built in a day. 归化:冰冻三尺,非一日之寒. 异化:罗马不是一天建成的. 冰冻三尺,非一日之寒 异化:Rome was not built in a day. 归化:the thick ice is not formed in a day. 2、归化异化与直译意译 归化和异化,一个要求“接近读者”,一个要求“接近作者”,具有较强的界定性;相比之下,直译和意译则比较偏重“形式”上的自由与不自由。有的文中把归化等同于意译,异化等同于直译,这样做其实不够科学。归化和异化其实是在忠实地传达原作“说了什么”的基础之上,对是否尽可能展示原作是“怎么说”,是否最大限度地再现原作在语言文化上的特有风味上采取的不同态度。两对术语相比,归化和异化更多地是有关文化的问题,即是否要保持原作洋味的问题。 3、不同层面上的归化与异化 1、句式 翻译中“归化”表现在把原文的句式(syntactical structure)按照中文的习惯句式译出。

齐晋鞌之战原文和译文

鞌之战选自《左传》又名《鞍之战》原文:楚癸酉,师陈于鞌(1)。邴夏御侯,逢丑父为右②。晋解张御克,郑丘缓为右(3)。侯日:“余姑翦灭此而朝食(4)”。不介马而驰之⑤。克伤于矢,流血及屦2 未尽∧6),曰:“余病矣(7)!”张侯曰:“自始合(8),而矢贯余手及肘(9),余折以御,左轮朱殷(10),岂敢言病吾子忍之!”缓曰:“自始合,苟有险,余必下推车,子岂_识之(11)然子病矣!”张侯曰:“师之耳目,在吾旗鼓,进退从之。此车一人殿之(12),可以集事(13),若之何其以病败君之大事也擐甲执兵(14),固即死也(15);病未及死,吾子勉之(16)!”左并辔(17) ,右援拐鼓(18)。马逸不能止(19),师从之,师败绩。逐之,三周华不注(20) 韩厥梦子舆谓己曰:“旦辟左右!”故中御而从齐侯。邴夏曰:“射其御者,君子也。”公曰:“谓之君子而射之,非礼也。”射其左,越于车下;射其右,毙于车中。綦毋张丧车,从韩厥,曰:“请寓乘。”从左右,皆肘之,使立于后。韩厥俛,定其右。逢丑父与公易位。将及华泉,骖絓于木而止。丑父寝于轏中,蛇出于其下,以肱击之,伤而匿之,故不能推车而及。韩厥执絷马前,再拜稽首,奉觞加璧以进,曰:“寡君使群臣为鲁、卫请,曰:‘无令舆师陷入君地。’下臣不幸,属当戎行,无所逃隐。且惧奔辟而忝两君,臣辱戎士,敢告不敏,摄官承乏。” 丑父使公下,如华泉取饮。郑周父御佐车,宛茷为右,载齐侯以免。韩厥献丑父,郤献子将戮之。呼曰:“自今无有代其君任患者,有一于此,将为戮乎”郤子曰:“人不难以死免其君,我戮之不祥。赦之,以劝事君者。”乃免之。译文1:在癸酉这天,双方的军队在鞌这个地方摆开了阵势。齐国一方是邴夏为齐侯赶车,逢丑父当车右。晋军一方是解张为主帅郤克赶车,郑丘缓当车右。齐侯说:“我姑且消灭了这些人再吃早饭。”不给马披甲就冲向了晋军。郤克被箭射伤,血流到了鞋上,但是仍不停止擂鼓继续指挥战斗。他说:“我受重伤了。”解张说:“从一开始接战,一只箭就射穿了我的手和肘,左边的车轮都被我的血染成了黑红色,我哪敢说受伤您忍着点吧!”郑丘缓说:“从一开始接战,如果遇到道路不平的地方,我必定(冒着生命危险)下去推车,您难道了解这些吗不过,您真是受重伤了。”daier 解张说:“军队的耳朵和眼睛,都集中在我们的战旗和鼓声,前进后退都要听从它。这辆车上还有一个人镇守住它,战事就可以成功。为什么为了伤痛而败坏国君的大事呢身披盔甲,手执武器,本来就是去走向死亡,伤痛还没到死的地步,您还是尽力而为吧。”一边说,一边用左手把右手的缰绳攥在一起,用空出的右手抓过郤克手中的鼓棰就擂起鼓来。(由于一手控马,)马飞快奔跑而不能停止,晋军队伍跟着指挥车冲上去,把齐军打得打败。晋军随即追赶齐军,三次围绕着华不注山奔跑。韩厥梦见他去世的父亲对他说:“明天早晨作战时要避开战车左边和右边的位置。”因此韩厥就站在中间担任赶车的来追赶齐侯的战车。邴夏说:“射那个赶车的,他是个君子。”齐侯说: “称他为君子却又去射他,这不合于礼。”daier 于是射车左,车左中箭掉下了车。又射右边的,车右也中箭倒在了车里。(晋军的)将军綦毋张损坏了自己的战车,跟在韩厥的车后说: “请允许我搭乗你的战车。”他上车后,无论是站在车的左边,还是站在车的右边,韩厥都用肘推他,让他站在自己身后——战车的中间。韩厥又低下头安定了一下受伤倒在车中的那位自己的车右。于是逢丑父和齐侯(乘韩厥低头之机)互相调换了位置。将要到达华泉时,齐侯战车的骖马被树木绊住而不能继续逃跑而停了下来。(头天晚上)逢丑父睡在栈车里,有一条蛇从他身子底下爬出来,他用小臂去打蛇,小臂受伤,但他(为了能当车右)隐瞒了这件事。由于这样,他不能用臂推车前进,因而被韩厥追上了。韩厥拿着拴马绳走到齐侯的马前,两次下拜并行稽首礼,捧着一杯酒并加上一块玉璧给齐侯送上去,

人教版高中语文必修必背课文

必修1 沁园春·长沙(全文)毛泽东 独立寒秋, 湘江北去, 橘子洲头。 看万山红遍, 层林尽染, 漫江碧透, 百舸争流。 鹰击长空, 鱼翔浅底, 万类霜天竞自由。 怅寥廓, 问苍茫大地, 谁主沉浮。 携来百侣曾游, 忆往昔峥嵘岁月稠。 恰同学少年, 风华正茂, 书生意气, 挥斥方遒。 指点江山, 激扬文字, 粪土当年万户侯。 曾记否, 到中流击水, 浪遏飞舟。 雨巷(全文)戴望舒 撑着油纸伞,独自 彷徨在悠长、悠长 又寂寥的雨巷, 我希望逢着 一个丁香一样地 结着愁怨的姑娘。 她是有 丁香一样的颜色, 丁香一样的芬芳, 丁香一样的忧愁, 在雨中哀怨, 哀怨又彷徨;

她彷徨在这寂寥的雨巷, 撑着油纸伞 像我一样, 像我一样地 默默彳亍着 冷漠、凄清,又惆怅。 她默默地走近, 走近,又投出 太息一般的眼光 她飘过 像梦一般地, 像梦一般地凄婉迷茫。 像梦中飘过 一枝丁香地, 我身旁飘过这个女郎; 她默默地远了,远了, 到了颓圮的篱墙, 走尽这雨巷。 在雨的哀曲里, 消了她的颜色, 散了她的芬芳, 消散了,甚至她的 太息般的眼光 丁香般的惆怅。 撑着油纸伞,独自 彷徨在悠长、悠长 又寂寥的雨巷, 我希望飘过 一个丁香一样地 结着愁怨的姑娘。 再别康桥(全文)徐志摩 轻轻的我走了,正如我轻轻的来;我轻轻的招手,作别西天的云彩。 那河畔的金柳,是夕阳中的新娘;波光里的艳影,在我的心头荡漾。 软泥上的青荇,油油的在水底招摇;

在康河的柔波里,我甘心做一条水草! 那榆荫下的一潭,不是清泉, 是天上虹揉碎在浮藻间,沉淀着彩虹似的梦。 寻梦?撑一支长篙,向青草更青处漫溯, 满载一船星辉,在星辉斑斓里放歌。 但我不能放歌,悄悄是别离的笙箫; 夏虫也为我沉默,沉默是今晚的康桥。 悄悄的我走了,正如我悄悄的来; 我挥一挥衣袖,不带走一片云彩。 记念刘和珍君(二、四节)鲁迅 二 真的猛士,敢于直面惨淡的人生,敢于正视淋漓的鲜血。这是怎样的哀痛者和幸福者?然而造化又常常为庸人设计,以时间的流驶,来洗涤旧迹,仅使留下淡红的血色和微漠的悲哀。在这淡红的血色和微漠的悲哀中,又给人暂得偷生,维持着这似人非人的世界。我不知道这样的世界何时是一个尽头! 我们还在这样的世上活着;我也早觉得有写一点东西的必要了。离三月十八日也已有两星期,忘却的救主快要降临了罢,我正有写一点东西的必要了。 四 我在十八日早晨,才知道上午有群众向执政府请愿的事;下午便得到噩耗,说卫队居然开枪,死伤至数百人,而刘和珍君即在遇害者之列。但我对于这些传说,竟至于颇为怀疑。我向来是不惮以最坏的恶意,来推测中国人的,然而我还不料,也不信竟会下劣凶残到这地步。况且始终微笑着的和蔼的刘和珍君,更何至于无端在府门前喋血呢? 然而即日证明是事实了,作证的便是她自己的尸骸。还有一具,是杨德群君的。而且又证明着这不但是杀害,简直是虐杀,因为身体上还有棍棒的伤痕。 但段政府就有令,说她们是“暴徒”! 但接着就有流言,说她们是受人利用的。 惨象,已使我目不忍视了;流言,尤使我耳不忍闻。我还有什么话可说呢?我懂得衰亡民族之所以默无声息的缘由了。沉默啊,沉默啊!不在沉默中爆发,就在沉默中灭亡。

翻译的归化与异化

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翻译的归化与异化 作者:熊启煦 作者单位:西南民族大学,四川,成都,610041 刊名: 西南民族大学学报(人文社科版) 英文刊名:JOURNAL OF SOUTHWEST UNIVERSITY FOR NATIONALITIES(HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCE) 年,卷(期):2005,26(8) 被引用次数:14次 参考文献(3条) 1.鲁迅且介亭杂文二集·题未定草 2.刘英凯归化--翻译的歧路 3.钱钟书林纾的翻译 引证文献(15条) 1.郭锋一小议英语翻译当中的信达雅[期刊论文]-青春岁月 2011(4) 2.许丽红论汉英语言中的文化差异与翻译策略[期刊论文]-考试周刊 2010(7) 3.王笑东浅谈汉英语言中的差异与翻译方法[期刊论文]-中国校外教育(理论) 2010(6) 4.王宁中西语言中的文化差异与翻译[期刊论文]-中国科技纵横 2010(12) 5.鲍勤.陈利平英语隐喻类型及翻译策略[期刊论文]-云南农业大学学报(社会科学版) 2010(2) 6.罗琴.宋海林浅谈汉英语言中的文化差异及翻译策略[期刊论文]-内江师范学院学报 2010(z2) 7.白蓝跨文化视野下文学作品的英译策略[期刊论文]-湖南社会科学 2009(5) 8.王梦颖探析汉英语言中的文化差异与翻译策略[期刊论文]-中国校外教育(理论) 2009(8) 9.常晖英汉成语跨文化翻译策略[期刊论文]-河北理工大学学报(社会科学版) 2009(1) 10.常晖对翻译文化建构的几点思考[期刊论文]-牡丹江师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版) 2009(4) 11.常晖认知——功能视角下隐喻的汉译策略[期刊论文]-外语与外语教学 2008(11) 12.赵勇刚汉英语言中的文化差异与翻译策略[期刊论文]-时代文学 2008(6) 13.常晖.胡渝镛从文化角度看文学作品的翻译[期刊论文]-重庆工学院学报(社会科学版) 2008(7) 14.曾凤英从文化认知的视角谈英语隐喻的翻译[期刊论文]-各界 2007(6) 15.罗琴.宋海林浅谈汉英语言中的文化差异及翻译策略[期刊论文]-内江师范学院学报 2010(z2) 本文链接:https://www.wendangku.net/doc/3010886003.html,/Periodical_xnmzxyxb-zxshkxb200508090.aspx

《鞌之战》阅读答案(附翻译)原文及翻译

《鞌之战》阅读答案(附翻译)原文及翻 译 鞌之战[1] 选自《左传成公二年(即公元前589年)》 【原文】 癸酉,师陈于鞌[2]。邴夏御齐侯[3],逢丑父为右[4]。晋解张御郤克,郑丘缓为右[5]。齐侯曰:余姑翦灭此而朝食[6]。不介马而驰之[7]。郤克伤于矢,流血及屦,未绝鼓音[8],曰:余病[9]矣!张侯[10]曰:自始合,而矢贯余手及肘[11],余折以御,左轮朱殷[12],岂敢言病。吾子[13]忍之!缓曰:自始合,苟有险[14],余必下推车,子岂识之[15]?然子病矣!张侯曰:师之耳目,在吾旗鼓,进退从之[16]。此车一人殿之[17],可以集事[18],若之何其以病败君之大事也[19]?擐甲执兵,固即死也[20]。病未及死,吾子勉之[21]!左并辔[22],右援枹而鼓[23],马逸不能止[24],师从之。齐师败绩[25]。逐之,三周华不注[26]。 【注释】 [1]鞌之战:春秋时期的著名战役之一。战争的实质是齐、晋争霸。由于齐侯骄傲轻敌,而晋军同仇敌忾、士气旺盛,战役以齐败晋胜而告终。鞌:通鞍,齐国地名,在今山东济南西北。 [2]癸酉:成公二年的六月十七日。师,指齐晋两国军队。陈,

列阵,摆开阵势。 [3]邴夏:齐国大夫。御,动词,驾车。御齐侯,给齐侯驾车。齐侯,齐国国君,指齐顷公。 [4]逢丑父:齐国大夫。右:车右。 [5]解张、郑丘缓:都是晋臣,郑丘是复姓。郤(x )克,晋国大夫,是这次战争中晋军的主帅。又称郤献子、郤子等。 [6]姑:副词,姑且。翦灭:消灭,灭掉。朝食:早饭。这里是吃早饭的意思。这句话是成语灭此朝食的出处。 [7]不介马:不给马披甲。介:甲。这里用作动词,披甲。驰之:驱马追击敌人。之:代词,指晋军。 [8] 未绝鼓音:鼓声不断。古代车战,主帅居中,亲掌旗鼓,指挥军队。兵以鼓进,击鼓是进军的号令。 [9] 病:负伤。 [10]张侯,即解张。张是字,侯是名,人名、字连用,先字后名。 [11]合:交战。贯:穿。肘:胳膊。 [12]朱:大红色。殷:深红色、黑红色。 [13]吾子:您,尊敬。比说子更亲切。 [14]苟:连词,表示假设。险:险阻,指难走的路。 [15]识:知道。之,代词,代苟有险,余必下推车这件事,可不译。 [16]师之耳目:军队的耳、目(指注意力)。在吾旗鼓:在我们

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