研究生英语综合教程 郑亚南 unit1-5翻译 ly
Unit1
'Ten pence for a view over the bay'.said the old man with the telescope.
'Lovely clear morning.Have a look at the old lighthouse and the remains of the great shipwreck o f1935.'
十便士看一次海湾风光，”那个带着一架望远镜的老头说道：“多么晴朗美丽的早晨。请来看看那古老的灯塔和1935年失事的大轮船残骸吧。”
Ten pence was sheer robbery,but the view was certainly magnificent.
要十便士简直是敲诈勒索，可是海湾的景色确实壮丽。
Cliffs stretched into the distance,sparkling waves whipped by the wind were unrolling on to the b each,and a few yachts,with creamy‐white sails,were curving and dodging gracefully on the sea. Just below,a flock of seagulls were screaming at one another as they twisted and glided over the water.A mile out to sea,the old lighthouse stood on a stone platform on the rocks,which were b eing greedily licked by the waves.In no way indeed did I grudge my money.As I directed the teles cope towards the lighthouse,the man beside me tapped my wrist.
峭壁向远方伸展，海风激起的阵阵波浪泛着白花，冲上海滩。海面上几艘游艇张着乳白色的风帆优雅地避开浪头蜿蜓前进。山崖下面，一群海鸥相互叫唤着，在海面上盘旋飞翔。离岸一英里处，在海浪贪婪地吮舔着的岩岸上，那座古老的灯塔矗立在一座石头平台上。说实话，我毫不吝惜那几个钱。当我把望远镜转朝灯塔时，站在我身旁的那个老头拍了拍我的手腕。'Have you heard about the terrible tragedy that occurred there in that lighthouse?'he asked in a hushed whisper.
'I imagine there may be plenty of legends attached to such a dramatic‐looking place',I suggested.
“您听过在那座灯塔里发生的一起骇人听闻的惨案吗?”他压低了嗓声对我说。“我想这个地方看起来非常富有戏剧性，有关它的传说一定不少，”我说。
'It's no legend',declared the old man.'My father knew the two men involved.It all took place fift y years ago to‐day.Let me tell you.
His voice seemed to grow deeper and more dramatic.
“这可不是传说，”那老头郑重其事地说。“我父亲认识那起惨案的两个当事人。一切都发生在50年前的今天。让我说给您听听吧。”
他的声音似乎变得更低沉、更富有戏剧性了。
'For a whole week that lighthouse had been isolated by storms',he began,'with terrifying seas s urging and crashing over the rocks.People on shore were anxious about the two men working th ere.They'd been on the best of terms until two or three weeks before,when they had quarrelled over cards in the village inn.Martin had accused Blake of cheating.Blake had vowed to avenge th e insult to his honour.But thanks to the wise advice of a man they both respected,they apologise d to each other,and soon seemed to have got over their disagreement.But some slight resentme nt and bitterness remained.and it was feared that the strain of continued isolation and rough we ather might affect their nerves,though,needless to say,their friends had no idea how serious the consequences would be.
“整整一个礼拜，风暴困住了那座灯塔，”他开始说。
“咆啸的大海波涛汹涌，海浪拍打着岩石，轰然作响。岸上的人们十分担心在那儿工作的两个人。
他们俩是多年的挚友，但在两三个礼拜前，他们在乡村酒店里玩牌时吵了一架。马丁
指责布莱克打牌时耍赖，布莱克则发誓要对侮辱他人格的不实之辞进行报复。多亏一位他们俩都尊敬的人好言相劝，他们才互相道了歉，并以乎很快地结束了他们之间的不快。不过各自心里还有些怨恨。因此，人们担心长时间与世隔绝所造成的极度紧张和恶劣的天气会使他们俩神经过敏，尽管两人的朋友们不消说还根本没意识到后果会有多么严重。”
'Fifty years ago to‐night,no light appeared in the tower,and only at two o'clock in the morning di d the beam suddenly start to flash out its warning again.
'The next morning the light was still visible.The storm had almost blown itself out,so a relief boa t set out to investigate.A grim discovery awaited the crew.The men's living‐room was in a horrif ying state.The table was over‐turned:a pack of playing cards was scattered everywhere:bloodsta ins splashed the floor.The relief men climbed the winding stair to the lantern room and there dis covered Martin's body,crouched beside the burning lamp.He had been stabbed and was dead.T wo days later,Blake's body was washed up.scratched,bruised,and terribly injured.
“离今50年前的那个晚上，灯塔上没有出现灯光，直到凌晨两点钟左右才有一束灯光突然发出警告信号。“第二天早上，灯光依然可见。风暴已经平息了，人们派出一条救生船前去查看情况。等待人们的却是一个不忍目睹的场面——马丁和布莱克的起居室一片骇人景象，桌子翻倒在地，一副牌散得到处都是，地板上溅满了血迹。营救人员爬上旋梯来到灯塔间，在那儿发现了马丁的尸体蜷缩在仍然亮着的灯旁。他是被戳死的。两天后，布莱克的尸体被潮水冲了上来，他身上划破多处，浑身青肿，伤得不轻。
'Only then could we really start guessing what had happened.This great tragedy could only have been due to a renewal of their quarrel.Bored and depressed as a result of their isolation,Martin and Blake must have started to play cards.Again suspecting cheating,Martin had accused his for mer friend of dishonesty;a fight had broken out and Blake had seized his knife.In a fit of madnes s he had attacked his companion,who had fallen mortally wounded.Then,appalled by what he h ad done,the loneliness,the battering of wind and waves,Blake had rushed to the parapet and flu ng himself on to the rocks below,where the sea had claimed him.
“我们只是在那时才猜测到究竟发生了什么事。这场大惨剧只是由于他们俩再次争吵而引起的。他们准是因为与世隔绝而心烦意孔，于是开始玩牌。马丁又怀疑布莱克耍赖，指责这位原先的朋友不老实。接着一场格斗发生了，布莱克一把操起刀子，在一阵狂怒之下向他的伙伴刺去，马丁受了致命伤而倒下。布莱克被自己的行为惊呆了。他受不了这里的孤独寂寞以及风浪的拍击声，于是狂奔到栏杆边纵身投向下面的岩石。接着大海吞噬了他。
'But Martin was still alive.Hours later,after darkness had fallen,he had recovered consciousness. He remembered his job of lighting the lamp;suffering intense pain,the poor wretch crawled slow ly up the winding staircase,dragging himself from step to step till he got to the lantern.At his last gasp he managed to light this before finally collapsing.
“但当时马丁还活着。过了几小时，也就是在天色暗下来以后，他苏醒过来，想起了自己点灯的职责。于是，可怜的马丁忍着剧痛，慢慢地爬上旋梯，一步一步地爬到灯前。用最后剩下的一口气，他点亮了灯塔，然后倒下。
'For years afterwards it was said that the lighthouse was haunted,and,owing to these stories,th ey didn't have any applicants for the job of lighthouse‐keeper from among the superstitious local inhabitants.And now they say that on every anniversary of that day,especially when the sea is ro ugh,you can stand in the living‐room,hear the cards failing and the sound of angry cries,see the flash of a blade,and then glimpse a figure rushing to the parapet.And then you hear the slow dragging of a body from step to step towards the room above.
“数年后，据说那座灯塔闹鬼了。就因为这些传说，当地迷信的居民中没有人愿意接替
做灯塔管理员。如今人们都说，每年到出事的那一天，尤其是当海上风急浪高的时候，人们站在起居室里就能听到摔牌声和怒吼声，就能看到刀刃的寒光，还会瞥见一个人影奔向栏杆，然后听到一个人缓慢地向塔顶爬去。”
'The old man paused and I turned to go.
'By the way',he added,'have you any free time this afternoon?If so,why don't you have tea in th e lighthouse?We are putting on a special boat trip to‐day.We're charging a pound.And my broth er,who bought the old lighthouse when they built the new one just on the point,can serve very g ood teas there‐included in the price of the boat trip‐a bargain,considering the problem of obtai ning the food.And if you are at all sensitive to the supernatural,you're likely to have an unusual, perhaps an uncanny experience there.
老头停了停，我转身欲走。“对了，”他又开口了，“今天下午您有空吗?要是有空，干吗不到那座灯塔去喝杯茶?今天我们开专船，收费一镑，人们在原址建造了一座新灯塔，我兄弟买下了那座旧的。他能沏好茶——茶钱都算在船费里了——价钱公道，要知道搞到食品是很费事的。如果您对鬼之类的神奇东西有那么一点儿兴趣的话，这可能是一次不寻常的，大概还是不可思议的经历呢。”
I eyed him appreciatively.'You're wasting your talents',I said.'You should have been a fiction wri ter.
我以赏识的目光打量了他一下说：“您真是在浪费您的才能。您应该当个小说家。”'You don't believe it?exclaimed the old man indignantly.'I'd find it a job,'I answered.'My f ather,Henry Cox,started as keeper of that lighthouse fifty‐two years ago,and he and Jim Dowley, now retired on a pension,were in charge for ten https://www.wendangku.net/doc/5511436198.html,e and see my dad one day with that t ale;he'd enjoy it'.But the old man had already turned his attention to a more likely client.
“很难相信，”我回答说。“我父亲叫亨利??科克斯，52年前就开始在那里当灯塔管理员，现在他和吉姆??道利都已退休拿养老金。他们一起看守灯塔有十年之久。哪天您不妨去看看我的父亲，并把故事讲给他听，他一定会欣赏的。”但老头已把注意力转向一个更有可能上当的顾客身上去了。
UNIT2
Individuals and masses个人以及群体
一个人通过以下两种方式与社会直接接触：作为某个家庭、职业或宗教组织的成员，或者仅仅是隶属于某个群体。一个组织所表现出来的智慧和道义是与其成员的一致的，而一个群体却是无秩序的，没有特定的目的并且无法进行明智的行为和现实性的思考。在一个群体里，人们失去了用逻辑思维来推论和选择对与错的能力，取而代之的是那个群体的集体思维的选择。他们因此也变得极为亢奋，将作为个人和大众的责任全都抛之脑后，易受到意想不到的过多怒气、狂热以及恐惧而极度情绪化。总之，一个人身处某个群体里就好像吃了大量的烈性致醉药物，他自己便是这种有毒药物的牺牲品。和酒精一样，这种药物能使人兴奋，并且是极度兴奋。被这种群体药物麻醉的人逃避责任，不愿动脑子，失去道德感，变得和疯子、动物没两样。
阅读是一种个人而不是集体的思维活动。作者叙述的对象是处于清醒状态的个人，而演讲家讲演的对象是由一个个被麻醉的个人组成的群体。这个群体已经处在他的控制当中，如果他知道这种情况的话，如果他愿意的话他可以随意的煽动这些人。
和大多数人不一样，知识分子崇尚理性，讲究事实。对大多数人都有影响的宣传在他们这失去了应有的效果便是得益于这种思维方式。知识分子就是这么一些注重证据以及对逻辑的
不一致与欺骗性感到震惊的人。他们认为过于简单化是思想的原罪，标语、毫无道理的断言和大量的概括性用语等宣传家们常用的伎俩对他们毫无作用。哲学告诉我们要对那些不证自明的事情进行怀疑。而宣传家们却恰恰相反，他们教我们要无条件的接受这些本应该受到质疑东西。因此他们是始终如一的教条主义分子，说的话都是不允许他人质疑的。在他们的世界里，只存在邪恶的黑色和崇高的白色而没有处于中间的灰色。他们从不承认自己有一点点的错误，也决不会认为别人有部分是对的，更不会和对手讲道理，只会用蛮力对对手进行攻击压制，一旦他们感到这些反对者太过讨厌就把这些人终结了。
在小组织里，人与人作为个体而进行自由交往时美德和智慧就会成为他们个人的特点，罪孽和愚钝也是一样。但是煽动分子经常依靠的低人类的盲目和他们进行煽动时所凭借的被煽动者的道德障碍是人在群体里表现的特征而不是人本身的特征。盲目和道德障碍不是人的本性，而是被药物麻醉后的症状。在世界所有有更高宗教信仰的地区，超度和启蒙的对象都是个人。因知道上帝而获得的安详和快乐只会存在于个人的心里，而不是集体无知的群体里。在一个人口和社会组织急剧膨胀以及公众交流方式前所未有多的年代，我们要如何保护人类个体的完整性，重申人类个体的价值呢？这是一个仍需解答的也是一直被深刻探询的问题。也许等到下一代即使找到答案也为时过晚，也许在那样一个集体气候极为浓重的年代就是连问这个问题也变的不可能了。
Unit3
On friendship
Few Americans stay put for a lifetime.We move from town to city to suburb,from high school to college in a different state,from a job in one region to a better job elsewhere,from the home whe re we raise our children to the home where we plan to live in retirement.With each move we are forever making new friends,who become part of our new life at that time.很少有美国人一辈子呆在一个地方，我们从镇上搬到城市再搬到郊区，我们在一个州上高中又在另一个州上大学，我们在一个地区找到一份工作，又在别的地方找到一份更好的工作，我们从那个抚养我们孩子的家再搬到一个我们退休居住的家。每一次迁徙我们都会一直结交新朋友，而这些朋友会从那时起成为我们新生活的一部分。
For many of us the summer is a special time for forming new friendships.Today millions of Ame ricans vacation abroad,and they go not only to see new sights but also‐in those places where the y do not feel too strange‐with the hope of meeting new people.No one really expects a vacation t rip to produce a close friend.But surely the beginning of a friendship is possible?Surely in every c ountry people value friendship?对我们很多人来说，夏天是一个建立新友谊的特殊时期。如今，数百万的美国人在国外度假，他们不仅仅是去欣赏风景，同时也希望在那里预见新的人们而使那个地方不再那么陌生。没有人会指望通过一个假期就结交一个密友。但是是不是一定可能开始一段友谊呢？是不是每个国家的人都理所当然的很珍惜友谊呢？
They do.The difficulty when strangers from two countries meet is not a lack of appreciation of f riendship but different expectation about what constitutes friendship and how it comes into bein g.In those European countries that Americans are most likely to visit,friendship is quite sharply di stinguished from other,more casual relations,and is differently related to family life.For a French man,a German or an Englishman friendship is usually more particularized and carries a heavier b urden of commitment.是的，人们都很珍惜友谊。当两个来自不同国家的陌生人相处产生的困难不是缺乏对友谊的珍惜，而是他们对于友谊里包含什么和怎么形成友谊的期望不同。在
那些美国人最喜欢去造访的欧洲国家，友谊与其他很随便的关系有着绝对的不同，并且与家庭生活也很不一样。对于法国人、德国人和英国人，友谊通常显得更加特别，并且承载着更重的需要承诺的负担。
But as we use the word,”friend”can be applied to a wide range of relationships‐to someone one has known for a few wee ks in a new place,to a close business associate,to a childhood playmate,to a man or women,to a tr usted confidant.There are real differences among these relations for Americans‐a friendship may be superficial,casual,situational or deep and enduring.But to a European,who sees only our surfa ce behavior,the differences are not clear.但是就像我们对这个词的使用一样，“朋友”可以用在许多各种不同的关系上，我们可以称一个几星期前在一个新地方认识的人为朋友，成一个亲近的生意伙伴为朋友，称儿时的玩伴为朋友，对任意一个男人女人或者是一个新任的知己。对于美国人而言，这些关系有着本质的区别，一段友谊可能是表面化的，随便的，环境形成的，或者是深刻和持久的。但是，对于只看重表面行为的欧洲人而言，区别就不那么明显了。As they see it,people known and accepted temporarily,casually,flow in and out of Americans’h omes with little ceremony and often with little personal commitment.They may be parents of the childrens friends,house guests of neighbors,members of a committee,business associates from a nother town or even another https://www.wendangku.net/doc/5511436198.html,ing as a guest into an American home,the European vis itor finds no visible landmarks.The atmosphere is relaxing.Most people,old and young,are called by first names.
在他们看来，人们可以临时和随意的认识、互相接受，进出美国人的家也不需要什么礼节和个人责任。他们互相认识可能是因为两家的孩子是朋友，或者相互是邻居，或者同是一个委员会的成员，或者两个人是两个镇甚至两个国家的商业伙伴。被邀请到一个美国人家里做客，一个欧洲客人不会感觉到什么明显的里程碑。气氛会很宽松，大多数人，无论老少都会互相以名字称呼。
Who,they,is friend?
Even simple translation from one language to another is difficult.”You see”,a Frenchman explains,”if I were to say to you in France,’This is my good friend,’that person would not be as close to me as someone about whom I said only,’This is my friend.’Anyone about whom I have to say more is really less.”
那么到底什么人我们可以称之为朋友呢？
即使是简单的从一种语言翻译到另一种语言也会很困难，一个法国人解释到：“在法语中，如果我对你介绍一个人说‘这是我的好朋友’，而介绍另一个人只说‘这是我朋友’，那么前者其实并不如后者和我亲近。我强调我们两亲密的人反而会不那么亲密。”
In France,as in many other European countries,a friend generally are of the same sex,and frien dship is seen as basically a relationship between men.Frenchwomen laugh at the idea that“wom en can’t be friends,”but they also admit sometimes that for women“it’s a different thing.”And many French people doubt the possibility of a friendship between a man and a woman.There is also the kind of relationship within a group‐men and women who have worked together for a l ong time,who may be very close,sharing great loyalty and warmth of feeling.They may call one an other copains‐a word that in English becomes“friends”but has more the feeling of“pals”or“bu ddies”.In French eyes this is not friendship,although two members of such a group may well be fr iends.
和欧洲很多其他国家一样，在法语中，，朋友通常指的是同性间的，并且朋友关系被看成是两个人之间最基本的关系。法国女人认为“女人不能成为朋友”的观点很可笑，但是她们
也承认女人之间做朋友会比较困难。并且很多法国人都质疑一个男人和一个女人之间存在友谊的可能性。的确在一个团队中是存在着这么一种关系‐一男一女在一起工作了很长时间，相互非常亲近，对对方很忠诚，给对方很温暖的感觉。他们会互相称呼为“伙伴”，这个词在英语中会演变成“朋友”，但是比普通的伙伴和好朋友要有更多的含义。在法国人眼中这不是友谊，尽管一个团队中的两个人很可能成为朋友。
For the French,friendship is a one‐to‐one relationship that demands a keen awareness of the ot her person’s intellect,temperament and particular interests.A friend is someone who draws out your own be st qualities,with whom you sparkle and become more of whatever the friendship draws upon.You r political philosophy assumes more depth,appreciation of a play becomes sharper,taste in food o r wine is accentuated,enjoyment of a sport is intensified.
对于法国人来讲，友谊是一种一对一的关系，这需要双方对对方的智力、脾气和特殊的兴趣都有敏锐的了解。一个朋友可以激发你最优秀的品质，和朋友在一起，你会闪闪发光，可以成就友谊可以利用的更多东西。你的政治哲学假设越深，你对一场表演的欣赏就会越犀利，对于事物和酒的口味就会越重，喜欢的运动也会更激烈。
And French friendships are compartmentalized.A man may play chess with a friend for thirty ye ars without knowing his political opinions,or he may talk politics with him for a long time without knowing about his personal life.These friendships are not made part of family life.A friend is not e xpected to spend evenings being nice to children or courteous to a deaf grandmother.These duties,also serious and enjoined,are primarily for relatives.Men who are friends may meet in a ca fe’.Intellectual friends may meet in larger groups for evenings of conversation.Working people m ay meet at the little bistro where they drink and talk,far from the family.Marriage does not affect such friendships,wives do not have to be taken into account.法国人的友谊是有区分的。一个人可能和一个朋友下了三十年的棋却不知道这个人的政治观点，或者他可能和一个谈论政治很长时间却对他的个人生活一无所知。这种友谊是不能成为家庭生活的一部分的。他们并不会期望朋友晚上会来友好的对待自己的孩子或者对耳聋的祖母很讲礼貌。这些严肃和命令性的责任主要是由亲人来承担。两个是朋友的男人可能会在咖啡馆中碰面。知识分子的朋友可能晚上会到更大的组织中进行交谈。工作上的朋友可能约在一个小餐馆吃饭聊天，这些都会院里家庭生活。婚姻不影响这种友谊，不用去考虑妻子的意见。
In the past in France,friendships of this kind seldom were open to any but intellectual women. Since most women’s lives centered on their homes,their warmest relations with other women often went back to th eir girlhood.The special relationship of friendship is based on what the French value most‐on the mind，on compatibility of outlook,on vivid awareness of some chosen area of life.
在过去的法国，这种友谊是不对女性开放的，除非是女性的知识分子。因为大多数女性的生活都以她们的家庭为中心，因此她们和其他女性最温暖的关系往往要追溯到她们的少女时代。法国人最看重思想，观点的兼容和对选择的生活领域的鲜明了解，这种特殊的友谊正是基于这之上。
Friendship heightens the sense of each person’s individuality.other relationships commanding as great loyalty and devotion have a different mea ning.In World War Ⅱ,the first resistance groups formed in Paris were built on the foundation of les copains.But signi ficantly,as time went on these little groups,whose lives rested in one another’s hands,called themselves“families.”
Where each had a total responsibility for all,it was kinship ties that provided the model.And even today such ties,crossing every line of class and personal interest,remain binding on the survivor o f these small,secret bands.
友谊强调每个人的个人特征。其他需要非常忠诚和投入的关系则意义不同。在第二次世界大战中，在巴黎成立的第一支反抗队伍就是在伙伴的关系上建立起来的。但是重要的是，随着时间流逝，这些小团体的成员都相依为命，他们把自己看做一个个家庭。在这个家庭中，每个人都对大家有完全的责任，这种模式是基于一种亲情纽带之上的。即使到今天，这种纽带也跨越阶级和个人兴趣将这些秘密的小团体中的幸存者拴在一起。
In Germany,in contrast with France,friendship is much more articulately a matter of feeling,Ado lescents,boys and girls,from deeply sentimental attachments,walk and talk together‐not so much to polish their wits as to share hopes and fears and dreams to form a common front against the w orld of school and family to join in a kind of mutual discovery of each other’s and their own inner life.Within the family,the closest relationship over a lifetime is between brot hers and sisters.Outside the family,men and women find in their closest friends of the same sex t he devotion of a sister,the loyalty of a brother.Appropriately,in Germany friends usually are broug ht into the family.Children call their father’s and their mother’s friends”uncle”and“aunt”.Between French friends,who have chosen each other for the congeniality of t heir point of view,lively disagreement and sharpness of argument are the breath of life.But for Ge rmans,whose friendships are based on mutuality of feeling,deep disagreement on any subject tha t matters to both is regarded as a tragedy.Like ties of kinship,ties of friendship are meant to be irr evocably
binding.Young Germans who come to the United States have great difficulty in establishing such f riendships with Americans.We view friendship more tentatively,subject to changes in intensity as people move,change their jobs,marry,or discover new interests.
在德国，与法国人相反，友谊是一种更加清晰的感觉。青少年，男孩和女孩，在一起走路谈话，与其说是提高心智，还不如说是分享希望、恐惧和梦想来应对这个未来的世界，包括学校和家庭，他们互相发现着对方和自己内心的生活。在家庭中，一生中最亲的关系是兄弟和姐妹。而在家庭之外，人们在自己同性的最亲密的朋友中发现类似于姐妹的关心和兄弟的忠诚。相似的，德国人的朋友往往会去家中做客。孩子们管他们父母的朋友叫叔叔或阿姨。法国人基于他们观点上的意气相投成为朋友，因此生活上的不和和激烈的冲突成为了生活中不可缺少的部分。但是对于德国人而言，他们的友谊是基于相互的感觉的，深深的不和和任何对双方有影响的事情都被看成一个悲剧。就像亲属关系，朋友关系是一种不可撤销的绑定。刚到美国的德国年轻人在和美国人建立这种友谊时遇到很大的困难。我们把友谊看的更加暂时性，其强烈程度容易随着人们搬家，换工作，结婚或者是发现新的兴趣爱好而改变。English friendships follow still a different pattern.Their basis is shared activity.Activities at diff erent stages of life may be of very different kinds‐discovering a common interest in school,serving together in the armed forces,taking part in a foreign mission,staying in the same country house d uring a crisis.In the mids of the activity,whatever it may be,people fall into step‐sometimes two m en or two women,sometimes two couples,sometimes three people‐and find that they walk or pl ay a game or tell stories or serve on a tiresome and exacting committee with the same easy antici pation of what each will do day by day or in some critical situation.Americans who have made En glish friends comment that,even years later,”you can take up just where you left off.”meeting after a long interval,friends are like a couple who began to dance again when the orchest ra strikes up after a pause.english friendships are formed outside the family circle,but they are no
t,as in Germany,contrapuntal to the family or nor are they,as in France,separated from the family and a break in an English friendship comes not necessarily as a result of some irreconcilable differ ence of viewpoint or feeling but instead as a result of misjudgment,where one friend seriously mi sjudges how the other will think or feel or act,so that suddenly they are out of step.
接下来要谈论的英国的友谊又是一种不同的模式。他们的基础是共同的活动。在生活不同阶段参加的活动可能会有非常大的区别，在学校读书的时候发现了一个共同的兴趣爱好，一起在武装部队服役，共同参加了一个国外的项目，在度过一段危机时住在同一栋乡间别墅里。无论是什么活动，在这些活动中，人们是步调一致的，有时候是两个男人，有时候是两个女人，有时候是一对夫妻，有时候是三个人，他们发现他们一起行动，一起玩游戏，讲故事，或者一起参加了一个无聊又很严苛的委员会，在一些特定的情况中，他们很容易预测对方每天会做很么事情。一些美国人会这样评论他们的英国朋友，即使过去了很多年，隔了很长时间没见，见面后你们也会像当年分开的时候那样亲密。”两个朋友就像一对跳舞的夫妻，只是进行了一个中场休息，当管弦乐再次响起时，他们又开始跳舞了，英国式的友谊是在家庭生活圈之外形成的，他们不像德国人的友谊和家庭完全对等但也不像法国人和家庭完全分离。一段友情的中止不一定是因为对一个问题的观点或感觉的不可调和的不同，而可能是错误判断导致的。朋友对对方的意愿，感受或者行为作出了严重错误的判断，那么他们立刻就不再合拍。
What,then,is friendship?Looking at these different styles,including our own,each of which is rel ated to a whole way of life,are there common elements?There is the recognition that friendship,i n contrast with kinship,invokes freedom of choice.a friend is someone who chooses
and is chosen,Related to this is the sense each friend gives the other of being a special individu al,on whatever grounds this recognition is based.And between friends there is inevitably a kind of equality of give‐and‐take.These similarities make the bridge between societies possible,and the American’s characteristic openness to different styles of relationship makes it possible for him to find new f riends abroad with whom he feels at home.那么究竟什么是友谊呢？从以上几种不同的友谊类型，包括我们自己的类型来看，每一个都和我们全部的生活相关联，那么有没有共同的要素呢？一种公认的观点认为，友情关系和亲情关系的不同在于，它强调选择的自由。朋友是一个选择和被选择的过程。因此无论这种共识是基于什么，每个朋友对对方都是一个特殊的个体。并且朋友之间付出和回报的平衡是不可缺少的。这些相似点使得构建不同社会群体之间的桥梁成为可能，美国人有着对不同的关系类型都开放接受的性格特点，这让他们在国外和一见如故的人做朋友成为了可能。
Unit4
Imagine a guardsman,from the moment he falls in on parade in the morning until the moment th e parade is dismissed,every conscious action he makes is predetermined and controlled.If inadv ertently he does something that is not in the schedule,such as drop his rifle,he has to cover up t he accident by pretending to faint.To do anything other than conform might show originality and inventiveness,but from the point of view of military ethos（风气，社会思潮）would be immoral.想象一下，一个卫士，从他早上在阅兵仪式的那一刻起直到游行解解散的那一刻,他的每一个有意识的动作都是受预定和控制的。如果他无意间做了什么计划外的事情，比如像掉了他的步枪，他不得不假装晕倒来掩盖事故。做除了承认以外的任何事情都可以展示出独创性和创造性，但是从军事风气的角度来看可能是不道德的。
That is an example of a thorough‐going explicit moral system.In it actions are rigidly divided into
right ones and wrong ones,permitted ones and non‐permitted ones,and everyone involved acce pts this without question;and to train a participant in such a system is an explicit matter,and the simplest form of behaviour training,provided the learners acknowledge the teacher as an unques tionable authority who knows exactly what moral behaviour is.这是一个彻底的显性道德体系的例子。它的行动被严格分为正确的和错误的，允许的和不准许的，并且体系内的人接受这个没有问题，并且培养在这样的系统中的参与者是一个明确的事情，，最简单的行为训练的形式，倘若学习者承认教师作为一个不容置疑的权威，明确分辨道德行为与否。
Consider the same guardsman in the evening,in a tavern with a girl.His behaviour is not so rigor ously controlled,and he has many choices of action,many decisions to make.In that case,all sort s of pressures are influencing his choice of actions.What his peer group does,what is the custom at the moment in that area,what he thinks the girlfriend will accept or expect,maybe the sort of lifestyle he has seen displayed in television plays,the things he has read about in the papers,thes e are all contributing to his decisions.He has not been instructed explicitly,as in the morning,but he has had a much more diffuse implicit training in behaviour,derived from many sources.考虑同样的卫士，在晚上，同一个女孩在一个小酒馆。他的行为是不那么严格的受控制，他的行动有很多选择，很多决定去下。在这种情况下，各种压力都会影响他的行动选择。他的同龄人做的，此刻在此方面的习惯，他认为的这个女性朋友会接受或者拒绝的，或者他在电视上看到的生活方式，书上读到的故事，这些都有助于他的决定。同早上比，他没有被明确指示，但是他有一个更加扩散的隐性训练行为，来自多种来源。
These,then,are the two forms of education available to those who wish to influence others'mor als‐the explicit instruction and the implicit influence of surrounding behaviour.Which do we use with school pupils,or do we perhaps need to make use of each at different times?Above,in desc ribing the morning parade morals of the guardsman,it was pointed out that explicit instruction d epended on the learner's acceptance of the authority of the instructor.Without that acceptance t he system breaks down.While to the same guardsman in the evening,in a tavern with a girl,such explicit moral exhortation would probably have little effect,because the speaker is not regarded as an authority,but rather as a crank.This illustrates the impossibility of having explicit moral edu cation unless all concerned have agreed on the fundamental principles,and on who has the right to expound them and say how they apply in practice.Where you have a society or an organizatio n in which such accord is possible,then behaviour is determined and can be the subject of explici t instruction.那么，明确的指导和周围环境的隐性影响是两种有效的教育模式对那些想要影响他人道德的人来说。我们用哪一种当面对学校学生是，或在不同时刻我们用每一个。上面，在描述上午游行的卫兵的道德时，指出显性指导依赖于学习者对指导者权威的承认。如果不承认系统就崩溃了。而相同的卫兵在晚上,在酒馆和一个女孩,这样的显式的道德劝诫可能收效甚微,因为演讲者不是视为一个权威,而是作为一个曲柄。这说明,显性道德教育是不可能的,除非我们能在基本原则、由谁提出这些原则以及怎么样实施上都能达成一致。如果你有一个社会或组织在该协议下是可能的，那么行为是确定的并且可以作为显性指导的主题。
It is possible to find such accord in religious bodies,in certain social organizations,in sports clubs, sometimes even in schools.Consequently in those groups there can be explicit instruction about right and wrong actions in matters that pertains to group activities.For instance,the cricketer is g iven clear direction that when bowling he must not put his foot over the crease,and that when b atting he must not obstruct the fielders.These conventions are necessary if the activity is to exist, and may be regarded as part of the morals of the game.But they do not apply to the whole of th e player's life.在宗教机构里有可能找到符合的团体,在一定的社会组织里,在体育俱乐部里,有
时甚至在学校里。因此在这些组织里关于对与错行为可以有明确的指示，涉及到集体活动时。例如，板球运动员给出明确的方向，当击球时，他不能把他的脚超过折痕，而且击球时，他必须不得阻拦守场员。这些公约是必要的，如果该活动要存在，并且可被视为的游戏的道德的一部分。但它们并不适用于球员的整所有生活。
Some will perhaps wish to object that what I have been talking about so far is not morality at all, but mores,or customs,or conventions.After all,cricket can be looked on as superficial activities, played according to rules that have been consciously invented and which might have been quite different.Morality is something much deeper,concerned with the nature of the world,with the n ature of people,and with how both the world and the people should be treated.That is so,and it highlights an important problem.If morality springs from something deep in the order of things t hat is pressing upon us to behave in one way rather than another,and if,on the one hand,resista nce to that pressure leads to lives of unhappiness and frustration and pain,and,on the other han d,accord with the pressure results in a life of completion,self‐expression and happy comradeship, and if we could fully appreciate the nature of that pressure,then we should not only understand what is required of us in order to be moral,but also we could design an explicit moral education t hat would instill that requirement into the young.有些人想要反对我谈论至今毫无有道德可言，甚至习俗，甚至公约。毕竟,板球可以被看作肤浅的活动,根据有意识地发明的并且可能是截然不同的规则来玩。道德是更深入的东西，关注世界的本质，人的本性，世界与人应该被如何对待。即是如此，它突出了一个重要的问题。如果道德来源于迫使人们按照某种特定的行为做事的事物规则的核心;如果,一方面人们对这种压力的抵制会导致生活不美满,遭受挫折和伤痛;另一方面,接受这种压力会是生活变得美满,自信,同事关系和谐;如果我们能够完全理解这种压力的本质,那么我们就不仅理解了道德对我们的要求,还会去设计一种显性道德教育,并将它逐步灌输到我们下一代的思想中。
It is possible,however,that mores and morals are all that different.Each generation,each cultur e,thinks that its mores,its behavioural injunctions and customs,are an expression of the moral i mperative in the heart of things.The idea of an absolutely plain,unchanging,unchallenged descri ption of morality,which will be acceptable to all forever,is probably a philosophical dream.Each s ociety has to work out for itself what is to be its morality,influenced by its past history,its geogra phical location,its psychological temperament,its inherited religion.Certainly there was formerl y no harassing debate about how to conduct moral education.Those of us who were young were told what was expected of us,in reasonably explicit fashion,and displeasure was shown if we did not conform.这是可能的,然而,风俗习惯与道德都是不同的。每一代,每个文化,认为它的道德观念,其行为的禁令和习俗,是一种表达心中的道德义务的事情。一个绝对简单的，不变的，不容置疑的都永远是可以接受的道德描述的想法，可能是一个哲学的梦想。每个社会都不得不制定出它自己的道德规范，受其过去的历史，它的地理位置，其心理气质，宗教继承的影响。当然以前也没有关于如何进行道德教育的辩论。我们这些年轻的被告知我们被预期的，以合理明确的方式，如果我们不符合，不满就会被展示
The relevant point is that the expected was known.Furthermore,where there is such a strong co nsensus of opinion of what constitutes moral action,not only in small groups or within individual classes,but over the generality of society,then moral education is an agreed matter and does ne ed consciously to be done.The young accept the way of life of their elders and growing up consist s of copying it and living it out in their turn.The rules are explicit and the young wish to conform because that seems the way of claiming their adulthood,the way of being responsibly grown up.相关的一点是预期是知道的。此外，有这样一个强烈的共识，什么构成道德行动，它不仅在
小团体或个别的群体内，而是社会的概括，那么道德教育是普遍承认的，并且需要有意识地去实践。年轻人接受长辈的生活方式，在成长的过程中不断模仿，长大后在身体力行地教育做出来给下一代。规则是明确的并且年轻人希望符合，因为只有这样做他们才能真正长大成人，变成有责任感的成年人
Where then do we stand about moral education?How far can it be no more than implicit?The br ief answer to those questions is that where the constituents of right behaviour are agreed you ca n be frankly explicit and tell children what is good living,what is the expected behavior,with a fai r hope that they will accept such teaching without demure and respond to it,because they will fi nd examples around them of such behaviour being naturally and unself‐consciously undertaken. Where there is doubt and disagreement,such teaching will be futile because children will reject e xhortations to behave in a particular fashion when they realize that people other than their teach ers are saying different things and flourishing happily by adopting other standards.我们在道德教育方面的立场是什么？在什么情况下我们只实施隐性道德教育(多大程度上我们只能依赖隐性道德教育)简短的回答这些问题是,正确行为的成分是被认同的你可以坦率地告诉孩子什么是显式的和良好的生活,什么是预期的行为,带着美好的希望,他们会毫无异义地接受它并回复它,因为他们会发现周围的这种行为的例子,被自然和不自觉地进行。有疑问和分歧的地方，这样的教学将是徒劳的，因为孩子们会拒绝以特定的方式行动的规劝，当他们认识到，除了他们的老师以外的人在陈述不同的观点，采用其他标准并生活幸福（事业成功）。However,in the existing situation,the only effective moral education is likely to be an implicit one. This means that schools are likely to contribute to moral education more by their organization,b y what is known as the hidden curriculum,than by structured moral lessons in the classroom.If o rganization of a school is slack,punctuality not insisted upon,inconsiderate behaviour tolerated, standards of accuracy and responsibility ignored,it will be encouraging laziness,selfishness and ir responsibility.On the other hand,if a school respects individuals,tries to minister to their diverse needs.asks high standards of courtesy,serious attention to time and work,and if teachers have well‐defined and coherent standards which determine their attitude to students and the type an d manner of work which they expect from them,some of that responsible probity is expressed in its organization and attitudes that a school influences the moral values of pupils.然而，在现有的情况下，唯一有效的道德教育可能是一个隐式的，这意味着学校可能通过他们的组织致力于道德教育也被称为隐性课程，而不是有组织地在教室上道德课。如果一所学校的组织松散，不坚持守时，不顾别人的行为是被容忍的，标准的精度和责任感被忽略，它会滋生懒惰，自私，不负责任.在另一方面，如果学校尊重个人，试着满足多样化的需求，利益要求标准高，如果对时间和工作足够重视，并且如果教师在对待学生的态度上以及期待学生的学习方式上有明确定义的和清晰条理的标准，这种诚诚恳负责的品质就会在学校的组织纪律和对学生的态度中得以体现从而影响学生的道德价值观
Furthermore,implicit moral education is not being provided by schools alone,but by every mem ber of the community outside.Children become wise by being brought into contact with wise mi nds;they learn to recognize and appreciate beauty by being brought into contact with beautiful t hings;they learn accuracy and industry by being in the presence of persons who value and expect accuracy and industry and they learn morals by being with moral people.So the way to make a moral youth is to make a moral society,which means that to demand a moral education in the sc hools of an immoral or a morally confused culture is starting at the wrong place.It may even be a way of evading the real responsibility of putting the society right in the first place.To illustrate,it i s no good teachers teaching about neighbourly care and respect for others and their property if a
pupil goes home to find that his father talks freely of making money by dubious means,or boasts of his part in a violent mass fight.The root of the matter is that everyone,not school employees alone,is a moral teacher.Everything a person does,every choice made,every action taken,is infl uencing the morals of those who know about it,and the morals of those who are still young and i mpressionable.So if one were to say to me,"What are educationalists doing to teach the differen ce between right and wrong,so that we have fewer naughty children,fewer violent adolescents a nd fewer criminal adults?"I should have to reply"What are you also doing about it?"Because yo ur influence is just as great as that of educationalists and your responsibility no less than theirs.E verything that any of us says and does is contributing in some measure to the moral attitudes of t hose who hear and see,and likely in some measure to affect their future choices.此外，隐性德育不只是学校所独有，而是外面社会的每一个成员都如此。孩子们通过接触聪明人变得明智;他们通过接触美丽的东西学会认识和欣赏美丽;他们通过接触预期准确和勤奋的人学到准确和勤奋;他们通过与有道德的人在一起学到道德。所以要想培养一个有道德的青年的方法是一个道德的社会,这意味着要求一个道德教育的学校一个不道德或一个道义混淆文化是在错误的地方开始。将社会权利放在第一位甚至可能是一种逃避真正的责任。为了证明，这不是一个好老师教学教授亲切的关心和对他人及其财产如果一个学生回到家发现他的父亲正在大谈通过不正当的方式赚钱，或者大肆吹嘘他的同伴在一场暴力的大规模打斗中的表现。问题的本质是不仅仅学校里的老师而是所有人，都是道德老师。一个人所做的一切，做的每一个选择，采取的每一次行动，都影响那些了解它的人的道德，以及那些年轻的和易受影响的。所以,如果有人对我说,“教育家做了什么来教导正确和错误的区别,才能使我们有更少的顽皮的孩子,更少的暴力青少年和更少的大人呢犯罪?”我会回答他“那你又做了什么？”因为你的影响跟教育家的一样大，你的影响力不亚于他们的。我们任何人所说的每一句话，所做的每一件事都在一定程度上对那些听到看到的人都道德态度产生了影响，并且有可能在一定程度上影响他们将来的选择
Unit5
Economics is the dismal science:so say the large number of people who heap scorn on the intelle ctural merits of the discipline.Much of the criticism comes from"pure"or"proper"scientist——physicists,chemists and biologists.Now,economics certainly has its failings.But the general w ay in which economists approach and describe the world,and how they convey their message ab out it to others,carries lessons which pure scientists should learn from.经济学是沉闷的科学:所以说,大量的人嗤之以鼻的方式的优点的纪律。大部分的批评来自于“纯”或“适当的”科学家——物理学家、化学家和生物学家。现在,经济学当然有其缺点。但是一般的方式方法和描述这个世界的经济学家,以及他们如何传达他们的消息对其他人,上了一课,纯科学家
应该学习。
Economics has inexactitudes and vagueness built into it.The general lack of reliable data about past events makes virtually impossible the accurate measurement of even the most basic econo mic variables,such as the total volume of output in a country,or the path of consumer spending, or inflation.经济学是由不精确性和模糊性建成的。普遍缺乏对过去事件的可靠的数据使得几乎不可能有准确的测量,即使是最基本的经济变量,如一个国家的输出总量,或者消费支出的路径,或通货膨胀。
If economists are hazy about what is going right now,they are even less sure about the future.D ue to the general measurement difficulties,as well as unforeseen events such as wars or natural
disasters,economic forecasts are almost always wrong,sometimes by wide margins.As for econo mic theories,they change almost according to fashion,with economists allowed to move effortle ssly between them,sometimes holding several contrasting points of view at the same time.如果经济学家朦胧的关于什么将会发生,现在他们更不确定的未来。由于通用测量困难,以及不可预见的事件,如战争或自然灾害,经济预测几乎总是错的,有时是由宽的利润率。至于经济理论,他们改变几乎根据时尚,经济学家可以毫不费力地移动它们之间,有时在同一时间持有多种截然相反的观点。
The contrast with scientists could not be starker.The tools of an economist's trade are muddy da ta,loose theorising and a shambling approach to causality which says.that a set of interactions b etween A,B and C MIGHT lead to a conclusion Z(and only via a roundabout route which takes in P,Q and R as well).Scientists have a harder‐edged way of looking at the world,requiring a set of rigid theories and data based on painstaking experimental observation.相比之下,科学家们有着天壤之别。经济学家的贸易工具是泥泞的数据,松散理论和呆滞的因果性说。这一组之间的交互,B和C可能导致结论Z(和只能通过一个迂回路线,需要在P,Q,R)。科学家们有一个硬朗的看待世界的方式,需要一套严格的理论和基于细心的实验观察的数据。
But the economists have been able to use the vagueness with which their subject is afflicted to their advantage.By concentrating on broad conclusions to problems and communicating these in terms that can be understood by the special interest groups they are dealing with,economists ha ve had a generally good record in"assimilating themselves into positions of influence.Scientists h ave done rather less well by concentrating on the nature of problems rather than on the conclusi ons or policy prescripitons.
但是，经济学家们已经能够使用的模糊性，其主题是困扰自己的优势。通过专注于广泛的问题结论和交流这些条款,可以理解他们正在处理的特殊利益集团,,经济学家有一个普遍的良好记录在“同化成具有影响力的位置上。科学家们已经做得相当不那么专注于问题的本质,而是结论或政策规定。
All this explains why,in British at least,economists as a body of people have had much more success in purely professional terms over the past20years than scientists.
所有这些都解释了为什么至少在英国,在过去20年经济学家作为一个群体比科学家有更多的成功在纯粹的专业术语方面。
Take the posts in the Britain government of chief scientific adviser and chief economist.In the fir st position,Bill Stewart has a thin power base,playing a marginal role in providing scientific advic e to dozens of government departments.The second job takes the"incumbent to the centre of th e government's decision‐making machinery in the Treasury,and into involvement with many of th e most important decisions ministers make about how Britain should operate.以作为英国政府的首席科学顾问和首席经济学家的职位。在第一个位置,比尔·斯图尔特有一层稀薄的权力基础,扮演一个次要角色为数十政府部门提供科学建议。第二个工作需要，在财政部的政府决策机制的中心，到参与的最重要的决定部长，英国应该如何操作进行。
In industry,top scientists working for big firms such as ICI or IBM certainly are in strong positions. But the ability of such people to influence events is put into the shade by the power of economis ts working for the big international banks and investment houses in the City of London.The broa d judgments of these people about global economic patterns,transmitted by numerous direct an d indirect ways,form a key component of thousands of decisions made at company level at the gr ass roots of industry.在工业领域，顶尖的科学家工作在大公司如ICI或IBM肯定是在强有力的位置。但是这样的人影响事件的能力是通过经济学家在伦敦对国际大银行和投资公司工
作来实现的。这些人对全球经济模式的大致的判断,通过大量的直接和间接的方式,形成在公司层面基层产业的重要组成部分。
How did economists get to be in this position‐and what can scientists learn from them?Despite the difficulty in arriving at hard answers to many of the problems in economics,people in the dis cipline have shown an ability to skim over the inexactitudes,to come up with a general view of t he world in terms that are relevant and make sense to those outside the profession.经济学家如何会在这个位置,科学家可以从他们那儿学到了什么?尽管经济中存在的许多问题很难回答，本学科的人们表现出掠过不确切性问题的能力，要明确拿出一个通用的世界观，并对行业以外的有意义。
As an example,consider a single topic of relevance to a wide body of people—the flow of capital around the world.Finding out about where all the world's money is going(and why and how and at what rate)is of obvious importance to anyone interested in investment deci sions and the competitive advantages of specific nations over others.作为一个例子,考虑与单个主题人力相关的问题‐世界各地的资本流动。找到世界上所有的钱是怎么花的(和为什么，怎样以及以什么速率),对每一个有兴趣投资决策的人和特定国家竞争优势非常重要
Every few miuntes,banks and other institutions are switching hundreds of millions of dollars fro m country to country in a pattern that is far from clear.The goal on each'transaction is to move money into a region where the returns are higher and so chalk up a profit.Working out what is g oing on in this vast exercise,and the important influences that are at play,is vital to understandin g a host of issues involving the buildup of wealth in the modern world.每隔几分钟,银行和其他机构在不同国家交换数亿美元,以一个目前仍不清楚的模式。每个交易的目标是将资金投入到一个回报是更高的地区并记下收益。找出在这场大转移中发生了什么，以及产生了多大的影响，在理解一系列在现代世界中积聚财富的问题中至关重要。
The"pure science"way of approaching this problem would be to attempt to collect data from all the banks and regulatory authorities participating in money transfer,and thence gain a
sum of all the capital flows‐from which appropriate conclusions could be drawn.The economist would recognise that the task of measuring and collecting the data is well nigh impossible.
“纯科学”的方式处理这个问题是尝试收集来自所有的银行和监管当局参与转账的数据,那里获得一笔所有的资本流动——从哪能得出相关的结论。经济学家也会承认,这项任务的测量和收集数据几乎是不可能的。
Using the fairly"paltry statistics that are available,and some"judicious averaging out and guess work,the economist would gain a rough idea about the shape of the world's money flow.From t his would flow a convincing argument about the policy dimension to the problem‐such as how t he balance of interest rates between several countries made a specific course of action,as relate d to funds transfer,either less or more appropriate‐in a relevant way.The scientific way is to thr ow everything at the problem and be less concerned at the prescription that follows;with the ec onomist the balance is the other way round.使用相当微不足道的有效的统计数据,通过一些明智的均衡和猜测,经济学家将获得一个世界货币流动大致估计。这将引出一个关于政策方面的令人信服论点的问题,比如如何通过一系列的行动平衡几个国家之间的利率,因为涉及资本转移,要么少或更适当的——以一种合理的方式。科学的方法是考虑问题的所有因素,不考虑其遵循的原则;与经济学家的平衡是倒过来的。
What can pure scientists gain from this study of the"dismal science"?When necessary,they sh ould reject exact approach,take a broader view,study conclusions and how to implement them a nd above all learn better communications skills.There are some signs of such things happening.T
here is a general move in certain sections of academia and industry towards the concept of the multidisciplinary scientist,one who can take in to a world view bits of physics,chemistry and biol ogy as well as general knowledge about business,marketing and finance.纯正的科学家可以从这种“忧郁科学”的研究中得到什么?必要时,他们应该拒绝精确的方法,采取一个更广泛的观点,研究结论和如何实现它们,重要的是学习更好的沟通技巧。有一些迹象显示这样的事情发生。在学术界和工业界关于综合学科科学家的概念有一个普遍进步，就是一个融合了物理、化学和生物学以及商业，市场，金融等综合知识的学科。
Even at a basic single‐discipline scientific level,more efforts are being made to consider proble ms as part of a multi‐faceted general inquiry‐in risk analysis,for example,where it is acceptable to state that there is a certain chance that something might happen,rather than will happen.Per haps,in theme,academic establishments will start to offer degree courses in general science com bined with economics such courses at the moment are thin on the ground.
即使在一个基本的单一学科的科学水平层面,更多的努力正考虑将问题作为多层面普遍分析的一部分，在风险分析领域,例如,在哪里接受的状态,有一定的几率可能发生的事情,而不是将会发生。或许,在主题,学术机构应该开始提供结合经济学以及一般科学的学位课程;这样的课程目前是寥寥无几。