Your World, Your Imagination

Your World, Your Imagination:

Community Construction in Online Multiplayer Game Second Life

Introduction

The concept of community has been very well documented in modern social science studies as an important type of social aggregation (Stacy, 1974). As computer-mediated communication flourished through the popularization of Internet use in the last decade, the emergence of a virtual community proposed new challenges for the conceptualization of community. With the development of the online communication technologies, virtual community has become a more complex type of social aggregation. It is difficult to define the virtual community with static attributes of its physical format and social characteristics. Thus, this study take a social constructivist view to define virtual community as a social construction created by people who gathered on the Internet and form social relationships based on a variety of goals, practices and experiences.

Following this theoretical approach, this study investigates the community formation in Second Life-a massive multiplayer online game with three-dimensional interface. As its advertising slogan stated “Your World, Your Imagination”, Second Life is a 3-D virtual world which is a digital creation mostly of its players. It is a marketplace currently supports millions of US dollars in monthly transactions; also a socializing space for people all over the world. Focusing on people’s in-game practice and experience, this study uses textual analysis to examine player-run newspapers and blogs. Studying a complex social congregation within a 3-D visual interface and mostly player created content, this study can provide illustrative

explanations about how community form through its participants’ practice and minds, thus to extend our knowledge in the social outcome of multi-media online communication.

Literature Review and Theoretical Framework

The concept of community is often traced back to Ferdinand T?nnies’ (1967) gemeinschaft (community), which characterized country village life. T?nnies found that people in rural villages are united by social ties formed within a shared living space, such as family kinships, neighborhood and friendship. James Beniger (1987) followed T?nnies’s to argue that “hybrid of interpersonal and mass communication” created a “pseudo-community”, which he criticized its foundation as insincere and simulated personalized communication formed within an impersonal association.

According to Benedict Anderson (1983), communities do not necessarily constrained to a geographic location, in which people engage in face-to-face interpersonal communications, but rather a social construction created with people’s collective imagination. In the same line with Anderson’s understanding of community not as a physical construction but a creation within people’s minds, contemporary theorists argue community less in terms of geographical space, but more in terms of a shared moral standing among community members. For instance, Amitai Etzioni (1996) argued that communities are social entities that are constituted by a web of affect-laden relationships among a group of individuals and their shared culture.

Anthony Cohen (1989) has approached the community, similarly to Etzioni, as a phenomenon of culture and more specifically explained it as a construction of cultural symbols. In The Symbolic Construction of Community, Cohen criticized the structural determinism of community that concentrated on the physical forms of community organization such as a

neighborhood or tribal village. He argued that communities need to be studied based on experiences and the meanings people attach to them. Therefore, people resort increasingly to symbolic behavior to reconstitute the community boundary. In this sense, community is a boundary-expressing symbol. As a symbol, community is held in common by its members; but its meaning varies with its members’ unique orientations to it. Thus, the community’s boundary depends upon its members’ symbolic construction and embellishment.

As moving from T?nnies and other scholars who emphasize a common geographical space and face-to-face interpersonal communication as the necessary components of a community, contemporary scholars perceive community less likely confined to a geographical boundary but defined by people’s collective consciousness. Community has become a concept that are constructed and maintained in its members’ minds.

When researchers and engineers first built, experienced and studied the Internet, along with other technology of computer-mediated communication (CMC), they put much effort into understanding how the technical structure of the computer network determines online communication. One technology-centered view on virtual community is that the Internet cannot form authentic communities since they are based on no more than shared interests, but do not involve the deeper community bonds and values that are shared in the places one physically lives (Doheny-Farina, 1996). Another technological focused view on virtual community is the “reduced social cues” approach (Siegel et al., 1986; Sproull & Kiesler, 1986; Culnan & Markus, 1987). This approach indicates that the “inherent characteristics” of the CMC reduce the amount of nonverbal and contextual communicative cues, such as eye contact and body lean, thus diminishing the level of intimacy between communicators (Avery and McCain, 1986). As a

result of these reduced cues, CMC is perceived as “impersonal, unsociable, cold, and insensitive”(Lea and Spears, 1995).

Despite the studies that take a technology centered research agenda, many researchers study social and cultural aspects of virtual community. According to social constructivism, all technological artifacts exhibit “interpretative flexibility,” in other words, the artifacts can be understood differently by individual users ( Pinch & Bijker,1987). Thus, virtual community can be constructed and bent in an infinite number of ways by particular people with contextually social goals (Feenberg and Bakardjieva 2004). Followed this constructivism view of the Internet, Bakardjieva (2004) designed a study to relate online community engagement with users’ understandings and actual practices on the Internet. The result indicates that individuals’ use and perceived function of the Internet (i.e. community, information source) vary with their degree of dependency on online communication in everyday life.

In the same line with this common understanding of virtual community as a social and cultural creation, Rheingold (1993) defines the virtual communities as social aggregations that emerge from the Internet when enough people carry on public discussion long enough, with sufficient human feeling, to form webs of personal relationships in cyberspace. Although Rheingold’s definition encompassed people’s online practice and experience as the core component, it still shows an attempt to measure the community with static attributes in terms of time and people’s degree of evolvement in a community.

Borrowing from Rheingold and other scholars who shared recognition of virtual community as a complex and dynamic social/cultural creation of its members, this study proposed that virtual community is imagined by people who gathered on the Internet and form social relationships based on a variety of goals, practices and experiences. This definition does

not attempt to give any fixed criteria to measure virtual community, but a explanatory approach that bring human actors’ role in the center of community as a social and cultural construction.

The early studies of virtual community are mostly conducted in text-based utilities of the Internet (e.g., e-mail and newsgroups). As persistent social and material worlds, the massive multiplayer online games are quickly becoming the form of entertainment and a major mechanism of socialization for growing popularity with people of all age groups, ethnicities, and economic classes (Jewels, 2002). Since much of the excitement of the game depends on having personal relationships and being part of online community, playing one’s game character and living in the game world becomes an important part of one’s daily life. (Turkle, 1995).

Recently, there has been an increasing number of publications dedicated to games with a graphical user interface and several thousands of users playing simultaneously. (i.e. Manninen, 2003; Kolo & Baur, 2004) However, not many studies have been done on the recent trend of multiplayer online games, which favors open-ended infrastructure that gives the player ultimate autonomy of the game world. Traditional games simulate the structure of a film or a novel, which has a pre-planned narrative to follow (Friedman, 1995). Although over years, the development of game design grants more power to the player, it still limits the game experience to pre-defined options.

Second Life is a good example of open-ended design that has no plot to follow. Players enter the game world without decided characters or tasks. The game system allows players to explore Second Life as a digital world and choose their unique way of living in it. Following Second Life’s advertising slogan, “Your World, Your Imagination”, one can imagine an entire 3-D world online, complete with Islands, cities, and seas. Now imagine it populated with people from across the globe who gather in shopping malls, casinos and clubs in this virtual world,

gossiping about the most popular players or comparing notes on the best spots to buy a virtual home. Imagine a place where one can be vampires, elves, online party organizer or in-game clothes designer, developing a reputation that is known from all over the world. Now imagine that one could log in and enter that world any day, any time, anywhere. Therefore, since Second Life allows the players to realize their own imagination in a virtual environment, it sets a naturalistic scene for exploring online social interactions.

Research Questions

In this study, the concept of virtual community will be examined by how it is constructed through players’ experience and practices in Second Life. To be specific, two questions will be explored: first, how communities are imagined as social spaces in Second Life; second, according to Cohen’s (1985) idea of community as a cultural symbolic construction, what symbolic boundaries do different players use in community construction.

Methodology

This study investigates people’s community experience in Second Life through a close reading of player-run online newspapers and blogs. This decision is made upon the purpose of this study which is to understand Second Life as community imagined by its members. First, analyzing the newspaper in Second Life consists with Benedict Anderson (1983)’s indication that mass media is the mediation of people’s imagination of community. Since Second Life is a fairly large virtual space with more than 160,000 players (by March 20, 2006), it is impossible for its players to know and imagine the community in a face-to-face manner. As a result, several in-game newspapers have been developed to meet the need of information seeking and in-game

issue discussion. Second, the players’ blogs contain valuable information of players’ game experience and their reflections of the social phenomenon in Second Life. Also, players’ blogs can compensate the lack of first-hand evidence concerning community experience on the individual level.

Researcher starts the sampling with two major in-game newspapers–Second Life Herald and Metaverse Messenger–which are both designed to cover the events and persona in the Second Life. Second Life Herald is one of the earliest publications in SL. Self-identified as “always fairly unbalanced,” Second Life Herald has a highly opinionated writing style and a blog-like layout, which allows readers to post comments on each story. The publisher of the Second Life Herald, Peter Ludlow (in-game name Urizenus Sklar), is a professor in the philosophy department of philosophy and linguistics at the University of Michigan, with research interests in cyberspace, including questions about cyber-rights and the emergence of laws and governance structures in and for virtual communities. Metaverse Messenger, which follows the traditional newspaper layout and writing style, has published as PDF files every Tuesday since August 9, 2005, and is distributed through vendor machines that have been placed in various places in Second Life. The newspaper is run by Katt Kongo (in-game name), who has seven years of experience in the news profession in real life.

A list of blogs (See appendix for the blog list.), which are constantly appeared in the reporting of two newspapers and blog list of other Second Life blogs, are chosen for analysis. Mostly, those blogs are written by concerned players who are actively engaged in discussion of social issues in both in-game occasions and the players’ forum (an online discussion board in Second Life website). They often provide opinionated reports based on writers’ first-person observation or experience of a social issue in Second Life.

Analysis

As proposed in research questions, the formation of communities in Second Life is approached in two ways: first, Second Life is a social space in which community is based on players’ shared sense of virtual geographical place; second, players’ different view of the game world and real life racial identity are applied as symbolic resources to form communities.

Community as Virtual Geographical Place

Although in cyberspace spatiality is largely illusory, virtual community can be produced in a socially constructed space (Jones, 1995). While community is imagined through players’ minds it is also visually represented and often connected with a Second Life geography place. Two important factors related to players’ shared sense of virtual places are the teleportation system and real estate market.

In Second Life, a transportation system-teleportation-can not exist without a well-developed digital map, which outlines four pieces of mainland and a group of private islands scattered to the left of them(See Figure I below). As navigational guidance, the map also shows the social elements of Second Life with different colors of markers that represent events, players and lands for sale. Players can choose a place to visit depending on social information, such as events or the number of people in a particular place, shown on the map. As soon as a player finds an intended destination, they can use the teleportation system to reach the place.

Figure I

In addition, Second Life also has a mature real estate market that connects each geographical space to a socially added value. The real estate market in Second Life is analogous to the real life market, in which the better a land is planned and organized, the more valuable it is. Therefore, planned communities are commonly built by individual players and Second Life real estate agents to increase the market value of a land.

Therefore, to answer the first research question concerning the virtual community as a social space, two incident-the reformation of the teleportation system and the community plan projects in Second Life -will be investigated to show how players’ community experience is associated with virtual geographical place in Second Life.

The Reformation of Teleportation System

Similar to the offline world, Second Life has a transportation system that helps its players to explore the virtual landscape. Shortly after Second Life was launched, Linden Lab, the parent company of Second Life, had scattered telehubs throughout the virtual landscape. For example, if a player wants to travel from point A, where he/she lives, to point B, where his/her friend is holding a party, he/she was actually sent to the nearest telehub, which is usually a few hundred meters away from point B. Players have to travel the remaining distance by walking or flying1 on their own power. In December 2005, Linden Lab introduced the point-to-point teleportation in which people travel directly from point to point without using the telehubs as transit centers.

Using transportation transit centers as a public and community place were explained by Philip Linden (CEO of Linden Lab) as the rationale behind the original telehub design. He indicated,

the reason New York City was so great, from a social standpoint, is travel via the subway. The consequence is that you wind up near where you want to be, and have to walk the rest of the way. On the way you see a bunch of neat places and perhaps meet some new people. Businesses and communities evolve around the subway stops as a matter of unintended city planning.

The removal of telehubs in the point-to-point teleportation leads some players to assert that players’ community experience will be undermined with their reduced chance to engage in unintended exploration of Second Life neighborhoods. Gwyneth Llewelyn expressed her concern in her blog,

people will not care what is “in-between”... what will be important is the ultimate

destination, not how and why you get there...The only thing that will happen is that Second Life…will be a collection of snapshots linked together by teleports.

1In Second Life, the game environment offers players the ability to fly. It is a popular way to travel in Second Life, since it gives players a better view of the landscape, which helps them to explore and discover new things on their way to their destinations.

Moreover, according to Forseti Svarog’s blog post, the point-to-point teleportation divided Second Life into fragmented private places rather than making it an open space for anyone to explore. Before the removal of telehub, traveling activities were mediated through a public system, in which travelers were first directed to transportation center-telehubs that located near their destination. Since there is no telehub to serve as public transportation center in the system of point-to-point teleportation, travelers to a particular place are automatically transferred to the mid-point of their destination area which may happen to be someone’s private property. The removal of telehub area as a public place would make the teleportation system more likely to intrude the privacy of a land owner. This has resulted in more players restricting the accessibility of their land to ban the random visitors. This increasing restriction on land can undermine the social experience of players who enjoy the online world as an open and public space.

Despite of influence on players’ traveling experience and accessibility to places, the removal of the telehub also shift the Second Life market place from a geographically based model toward a reputation-oriented one. As the transportation transaction area, lands near telehubs are more likely to be visited by players. Therefore, telehub lands are more valuable for business use, such as malls or advertisements, which then encourages the development of shopping districts in those areas. As long as the telehubs are no longer geographical attractors, telehub lands’ role as commercial centers will be diminished, and new market order will be created along with the point-to-point teleportation. In a discussion panel on point-to-point teleportation, Prokofy Neva argued that “point to point [teleportation] rewards closed, sophisticated, elitist networks. It's a blow against the democratic access and freedom for the market we had with telehubs.” He predicted that the future market place in Second Life would be largely based on a “word-of-mouth” system in which only elite players and business owners

would benefit from an established information circle, consequently making it difficult for newcomers to build a reputation.

The change of transportation system affects players’ accessibility to geographical places in Second Life, and eventually influences their social life in the game. Similarly in real

life situations, Winner (1986) studied the social influence of transportation designs. Investigated the bridge on Long Island in New York City, he claimed that the low-hanging overpasses were deliberately designed to discourage the presence of buses, thereby keeping the lower classes out of Long Island. Drawing from this instance, Winner argued that technical designs are political artifacts which can shape the social life of a particular community. In Second Life, the change of transportation system affects players’ community experience. Not only the traveling has become less of a communal experience but it also alters players’ access to the market place as a public space. The preceding evidence reveals the importance of virtual geography to the formation of virtual community.

Community Planning

Using the spatial design as a method to support a community is commonly evidenced in real life situations. In The Spirit of Community, Etzioni (1993) suggested several ways to design the physical environment in a more community-friendly way. For example, shared spaces such as public parks and community tennis courts, he argued, should be provided for people to mingle. In Second Life, it is not very difficult to find material design carried out to create themed areas for players to have a community experience. However, the question remains whether an intentionally designed community place can effectively generate social interaction.

Linden Lab, the parent company of Second Life, was involved in community planning programs. One of Linden Lab’s early community plan projects was called “Second Life

Surrealty,” which gives players a house in a pre-planned community—Blumfield—when they upgrade from a basic account to a premium account2. According to Rubin Linden, the vice president of Linden Lab, the original design of Blumfield was to set up neighborhoods and communities. Later, Linden Lab reported that Blumfield has added to the perceived value of land by allowing direct access to a house and community.However, meanwhile Blumfield received the attention of critics who doubt its ability to create a community with sufficient social interaction among players. After interviewing several new players in Blumfield, Satchmo Prototype’s blog reported that their experiences in Blumfield were more about skill development to become a more competent player rather than building social relationships within the neighborhood. For example, one of the interviewees, Rhinohorn Axon, said, “[Blumfield is] a sanctuary from which I can learn the basics…If I ever spend enough time to determine a way to make an income, I probably will move out of Blumfield.”

Players’ lack of a sense of community can be explained by Blumfield’s failure to include public places. Blumfield, resembling the design of Levittown3, is a neighborhood constituted by similarly-designed houses being put together into a chessboard-like layout (See Figure II below). Commenting on the design of Blumfield, Forseti Svarog wrote, “I didn't see any effort put forth towards encouraging community through gather spots and street layout.”

2People join Second Life with either a basic account or a premium account. Land owning is one of the advantages that the premium account holders have. Owning land allows players to build, display and store their virtual creations, as well as host events and businesses. Every premium account holder is granted a 512-square meter land plot. Any additional land requires a monthly fee. The fee is tiered, and discounted as one acquires more land.

3 Levittown is a planned suburban neighborhood 30 miles from New York City created between 1947 and 1951.

Therefore, in Svarog’s mind, this pre-planned region would not create a community for new

players who arrive in Second Life to seek social interaction with others.

Figure II

Blumfield Levittown

Another example further demonstrates that communities in Second Life must exist with

the combination of a geographical place and players’ community experiences. Anshe Chung, one

of the biggest real estate business owners in SL, once bought a simulation4 called Briarcliff—a

small-town style shopping area—and turned it into Friesland, a German and Dutch community.

In an interview with Second Life Herald, she explained this plan as a market strategy to target the

increasing population of European players. Ironically, as she was trying to set up a themed

community, she was accused by the former Briarcliff residents of breaking a pre-existing

community. One former Briarcliff resident, Ack Mendicant, described her attachment to the

community as follows:

4 Simulation, also called sim, is a technical term which refers to an area on the server. In SL, it is often used to

describe a geographical place in SL which usually built with a theme in it. For example, subtropical sims,

Hawaiian-inspired, have a big volcano in the middle of them.

What made Briarcliff was the community. It was a place where you knew

everybody, and you'd hang around and chat with your friends while you

watched them work on their latest project…It is equivalent to a ring of close

friends you hang out with during school, or a neighborhood restaurant where

you know the owner's name, and all the people who usually stop by after work

In this case of Briarcliff, geographical space and human social practices are brought together to create a meaningful social place described by Mendicant as equivalent to an offline neighborhood community.

While both Linden Lab and real estate business failed to create community with pre-planned physical construction, there are player-built geographic places that reflects their community spirit. Land planning efforts have already been taken by the players who live in subculture communities, which are form based on their hobbies, fantasies or imagined lifestyles. Second Life Herald published a feature story of an elves’ subculture group, which constitutes by players who choose to appear as elves in game. They built an area named ElvenGlen to practice their simplistic and rural way of life. In order to maintain their lifestyle, they made ElvenGlen an entirely no-fly area5 and prohibited all modern looking objects inside it.

The examples of pre-planed community and players’ voluntary effort in building community corroborate Cohen’s (1985) declaration that community is member’s experience, but not a structure of institutions. In teasing out the making of a social place on the Internet, scholars have argued that it is people’s social practices that come into the physical online environment to make online community. (see Gatson and Zweerink, 2004). As in Second Life, the subcultural groups such as elves can create a geographical community based on their unique group culture, but, as demonstrated in Blumfield, pre-planned physical structure does not guarantee the forming of community. As observed in another study of human relationships in a three-dimensional

5 In SL, the game system grants players with power to fly. However, the land owners can make no-fly area by manipulating the technical settings of the land, which prohibit players from flying.

online community, people behave in a manner informed by their own subjective experiences of place toward the place they occupy (Carter, 2005). Therefore, people’s social experience and a shared geographic place must emerge together in the formation of virtual community.

Community as Symbolic Construction

In Symbolic Construction of Community, Cohen (1985) argues that “the reality of community lies in its members’ perception of the vitality of its culture. People construct community symbolically and make it a resource and repository of meaning, and a referent of their identity” (p.118). Responding to the second research question drawn from Cohen’s argument, players are found to use different symbolic boundaries to define or maintain their communities in SL, which includes their perceptions of SL either as a country or an economic entity and real life racial identity.

Country or Economic Entity

The country metaphor of Second Life originated with comments from the CEO of Linden Lab, Philip Rosedale, who stated, “I am not building a game; I am building a new country” (CNET News, 2005). Since then, players have been engaging in assigning different metaphors to Second Life. To capture how the different perceptions of Second Life flow together, Aimee Weber sketched out a two-axis graph in her Second Life blog (See Figure III). One axis represents whether Second Life is a country or a company; the other distinguishes the degree of intervention that a governing body should take into the lives of players. Weber’s graph incorporates Second Life’s roles both a democratic country and a corporation. Therefore, this graph shows the core question, and a major divergence among Second Life players -Is SL a country or an economic entity? Both of the two metaphors can be seen as symbols that are drawn from players’ community experience to describe Second Life.

Figure III

If Second Life is a country, Linden Lab which is the parent company of the game, has served as the governmental power in Second Life. However, Linden Lab’s relationship with community builder, especially those elite ones who invested a large amount of time and real money into the game world, reveals its role more as a corporation with its own business interest. For example, a “tax revolt” was taking place to protest Linden Lab’s weekly deduction of an amount of Linden dollar6 according to the quantity of land and objects that players own. Content creators, especially those dedicated to building a large amount of community-orientated projects, thought they were unjustly charged while they contributed more value to the community. So Americana, a player group built a tribute to American icons within a city space and launched a series of protests by placing historically significant U.S. symbols such as tea crates, a copy of a manifesto that borrowed terminology from the U.S. Declaration of Independence, and fireworks all invoked ties between the Second Life political situation and the American Revolution.

6 The Linden dollar is the SL currency, which can be converted to US dollars at several websites for online game currency exchanges.

In a group discussion of community dynamics, player Cindy Claveau questioned the notion of Linden Lab as a “virtual government.” She argued that while the size of the Second Life community evolves rapidly, Linden Lab as a self-interest group cannot facilitate the well-being of the whole community. For the solution of the problem, Gwyneth Llewelyn suggested that Linden Lab should split the marketing team from the community moderators within its organizational structure. However, the feasibility of such solution rests on whether the technology platform and the development of community are separable. In Second Life, the technological platform forms the backbone of the community’s existence. An example of this can be seen in the transportation system discussed previously. Linden Lab controls the design of the SL game and therefore makes choices for structural design that directly affects the daily interactions and development of property in the game world. As one player indicated in a comment on Second Life Herald, “even a liberal and democratically managed environment is subject to the ‘pulling the plug’ veto. Democracy is a farce until you truly own and control the servers, rather than renting and borrowing them”.

Linden Lab is not the only economic power that shapes the Second Life community. The in-game economic inequalities among players make Second Life a hierarchy society constituted by different socio-economic groups. Hierarchies have been found in virtual communities based on participants’ mastery of the virtual environment and online social popularity (Reid, 2003). Similarly, in Second Life, Prokofy Neva identified a “virtual aristocracy” that is constituted by players who have advanced scripting skills, more extended social networks and possess more virtual properties. There are also “working class” players who are consumers and laborers in the game.

The conflict between business owners and working class players can be observed in a variety of occasions. In an editorial article of Second Life Herald, the increasing number of clubs has been accused of undermining the diversity of game experience by seducing players, especially newcomers from the welcome area7 with the promise of money and work opportunities. Angeltk Beckenbauer, who used to work as a dancer in Club Elite, confessed that since the club requires its dancers to spend 75% of their in-game time dancing for the club, she felt she was exploited because she never had a chance to explore Second Life and developed other interests. Similarly, accused of damaging the players’ social experience, Tringo game8is a creation that property owners use to attract large masses of people to their territories. However, even land owners complained about its negative impact on socializing among players.Eboni Khan, a player who owns a resort area with a Tringo game in it, explained, “Sim [simulation] owners have Tringo to attract people to the sims [but] Tringo players rarely look at the sims. They just go from game to game...And they don't chat, because they are too into the game. So it's not even social, which I don't like.”

Different in-game interest groups engage in contesting imaginations of Second Life either as a democratic community or an economic entity. It demonstrates that players often draw from their in-game socio-economic status to form their perception of the virtual community. Players’ different perceptions of the virtual community also in turn direct their different types of 7 The welcome area was created by LL to help first-time players learn the basic skills for exploring SL and

understand the menu of SL software.

8 Tringo is a game created by SL player Kermitt Quirk. It consists of a display board, to track scores and pieces in play, and game cards, for the players. After players place their bets in a winner-take-all pot, they compete with each other to fit their pieces together onto their cards. When the pieces show up, players click their card for where they want to place the pieces. The game goal is to make solid blocks of 2x2, 2x3 or 3x3, then the scores are 5, 10, 15 points, respectively. Players have 10 seconds for each piece, and lose 7 points if they fail to place one in time.

community participation. For business owners, the market place as a public place in Second Life is the key component of the community, in which they can maximize the virtual goods/service exchanges and profit making. For ordinary players who come to Second Life for social activities, their goal is to make Second Life a democratic, openly accessibly place for social interaction and exploration. With distinct goals in Second Life, players construct their notions of community through their practices and preferred game experience. Like it is showed in Aimee Weber’s two-axis graph (see Figure III), players’ view of community scattered on their different understanding of the Second Life and role of Linden Lab. Thus, there is not a unified concept of community in all players’ mind, but several distinctive versions holds by different groups of players.

Real Life Politics in Virtual Community

In Second Life, players not only diverge on their in-game world view, but also bring their real life political and cultural identities as the symbolic boundary of communities. Gatson and Zweerink (2004) argued that members of online communities, whether they entered their particular area of the Internet with utopian or mundane community expectations, are bringing real cultural beliefs and practices along with them. Second Life exemplified such an online space in which players bring their real life ethnic identity into the game and, thus, form communities based on such real life social and cultural resources.

Evidence concerning the prominence of racial issues in Second Life largely comes in the form of personal stories which reveal players’ consciousness of physical racial representation. New World Notes often covers stories of avatars9 and the identities that they represent in Second

9 An avatar is a virtual persona that represents a player in Second Life. The game system allows a player to manipulate his/her appearance in a variety of ways including gender identity, skin color, etc. Many players choose to buy avatars from avatar designers. It allows them to have more choices of their appearances, such as

三年级学生学情分析

三年级学情分析报告 一、基本情况 本班学生总人数56人，其中男生29、女生27人。 二、现状分析 结合本班语文课堂教学，从以下几个方面进行分析： 1.学习实效性情况分析 学生课前准备不够充分。学习比较浮躁，两极分化的现象比较突出。不少同学在学习上好胜心强，乐于学习，勇于克服学习上的困难，思维活跃，有较好的学习习惯，有较好成效的学习方法。但也有不少同学厌倦学习，畏惧困难，或是学习方法不当，或是学习习惯较差，作业不能及时上交，书写不规范，积年累月，致使学习基础薄弱。没有学习的主动性，学生把学习作为一种负担，有一种想要放弃但父母与老师盯着又不敢放手的状态。只要老师与父母一松，他们就不想学。对词语的理解不深，理解及分析问题不强，且粗心大意，审题失误，答题技巧不高，个别学生答题时间分配不得法等等，造成个别同学的学习成绩存在问题。 2.小组合作学习有效性分析 小组合作总留于形式，缺乏时效性。通过调查我发现8％的学生在课堂上觉得小组合作和自己无关，21％的学生在小组合作中只听别人讲，从上课过程中我还发现小组合作中小组交流很少，基本上是停留在独立学习的层次上，没有真正的讨论和合作，没有发挥小组合作的优势，其学习结果不能完全代表小组的水平。小组成员的分工不明确，很多同学在小组合作中不知道自己干什么？等等诸多问题。 3.作业设计训练及完成质量分析 课堂练习的形式过于单一，内容一致，没有针对不同层次的

学生设计难易不同、形式多样的练习。布置的巩固练习随意性大，没有切实地对本堂内容进行练习，或者设计的练习太过于简单、形式单一，没有体现巩固练习的有效性。我调查发现近50％的学生觉得给自己的课堂练习和问题回答的评价感觉都一样，没有激励性，没有体现评价的有效性。学生学习效果不理想。通过调查还发现15％的学生不能够运用所学的知识解决生活中的问题，45％的学生只能解决部分的问题。 4.学生学习成绩分析 从三年级开始，学习需要拿出真本事。三年级的课程似乎一下子变得难了，许多事情都要靠自己的努力去解决。在一、二年级的时候，有的孩子比较聪明，不太认真学习也能取得比较好的成绩，然而到了三年级没有那么简单了，稍有马虎，学习成绩有可能滑下来。常听有些家长说：我孩子一二年级一直考99、100分、怎么到三年级就九十几分、八十几分了。三年级是一个两极分化的阶段，由于学习内容多了，难度大了，孩子要保持高分，需要花费更多的力气，付出更多的努力，如果马虎的话，成绩很容易大幅下滑。因为有些孩子没有养成踏实、勤奋的学习态度，基础不扎实，因此以后的学习越来越困难，造成学习成绩不理想。 5.优秀学生情况分析和学困生分析 优秀生共12人，他们学习基础扎实，好学上进，老师只要略加点拨就可以，学困生共5个，这几个一直考试不及格，每次考试冲刺前都会下很大的工作，学困生里面还有几位学生属于听话，举止文明的孩子，但就是在学习方面有些吃力，接受新知识较慢。学习上没兴趣，得过且过，且作业不按时完成。 三、我的教学对策 （一）做细课堂教学 1.重视课内阅读；

(完整版)小学三年级科学学情分析

小学三年级科学学情分析 其一，学情分析：这学期我担任三年级三个班的科学课。通过一年的科学课教学，学生对科学课的认识得到了一定提高，部分学生已学会了自己收集资料和进行课堂记录的习惯，大部分学生已会进行仔细的观察，学生在实验前已具备了提出假设，然后设计实验计划，最后进行实验验证，具备了初步的探究能力。 学生小组内的合作交流也有了基础。三年级的学生都喜欢实验，但孩子们只是凭自己的兴趣边玩边做，导致于观察不仔细，实验无序操作，科学探究的习惯尚未养成，有些学生常常使学习任务难已按学习计划完成，逼迫老师调整课时进行帮助；有的学生在作业习惯方面较差，特别是课外布置的收集资料，观察任务还不能自觉完成，导致期末考核评价差异较大。 本期改进措施：1、课堂常规常抓不懈，强化训练（提问，猜想，设计，验证，分析，结论）形成科学课堂教学的模式。2、强化六人小组的合作学习模式，养成良好的探究素养； 3、加强每单元课堂作业与课后观察，调查作业的检查评价；促使课堂教学效率的提高。 其二，设计思路上主要体现了以下特点： （一）、适当扩大单元规模，使学生能够在一段较长的时期内深入研究。在呈现方式上的最大特点就是采用大单元的模式，这是在尊重学生的主体地位，满足学生发展需要的前提下做出的改进。新教材理念追求的是"一英寸宽，一英里深"的探究活动，这对激发学生持续的研究兴趣，经历较为完整的探究过程，以及实现科学教育目标的多元整合都是十分有利的。大单元的设计，可以使学生在持续一个月的主题学习中学习兴趣不断得到激发，探究活动不断深入，学习活动能够向着更多，更广阔的领域拓展，获得更为全面和丰富的学习体验。所以，我们在教学中要注意活动之间的结构联系，促使学生不断产生新的问题，以问题推动探究活动的逐步深入。 （二）、更加注重科学素养的培养，探究方法不断丰富。对于学生来说，他们总是对周围的世界充满了极大的好奇心。科学上的发明，发现也往往正是由观察迈出的第一步。所以把观察作为进行科学探究活动的第一个重要方法加以强调是完全正确的，也符合儿童的认知规律。随着科学探究活动的逐步深入，探究的方法自然应该得到不断丰富。其中的猜想和推测，是科学研究过程中两个重要的环节 （三）、加强对学习主体的研究，构建以儿童心理发展为线索的科学探究体系。活动设计充分遵循了儿童认识发展的顺序，从学生们可观察到的微小变化开始，从关注学生身边的事物开始，用学生的眼光去看待事物，努力促进他们去建立自己的观点和概念。 其三，教学措施：1、开展生动的科学课，引领学生进行主动地探究学习。2、建立科学文件夹，记录学生在科学课上的学习进展情况。文件夹包括以下内容：科学课笔记本、自己搜集的文字；图表、图片、照片、观察报告、实验报告、记录表、评价表等。并在期末对学生做的文件夹进行展示与评比。

四上科学教材分析和学情分析

第一单元《声音》教材和学情分析 1.听听声音 【教材简析】 《听听声音》是《声音》单元的起始课，声音对学生来说并不陌生。教科书通过“听听周围的声音”和“描述你听到的声音”这两个活动展开，引导学生关注声音，关注身边的声音世界。 “听听周围的声音”板块，主要是通过学生认真倾听，感受我们生活在一个充满声音的世界里，我们虽然看不到它，但能感受到它。 “描述你听到的声音”板块，通过用科学的词汇将听到的声音描述出来，并能对声音进行简单分类。通过对声音的描述，可以了解学生对声音原有的认识，激发学生想要更多的了解声音的问题，为后面声音问题的研究做好铺垫。 【学情分析】 我们生活在一个充满声音的世界里，声音对学生来说非常熟悉。他们随时随地都能感受到声音的存在，这对本课学习打下了良好的生活基础。 对于声音，虽然学生非常熟悉，但并没有真正思考过关于声音的问题。没有思考过他们听到的声音有什么不同，这些声音又是通过什么物体发出来的，这是本节课学习的障碍。 2.声音是怎样产生的 【教材简析】 《声音是怎样产生的》是教育科学出版社《科学》四年级上册《声音》教学单元第二课时的内容，是继《听听声音》之后，进行的又一项关于声音的研究。当一个物体在力的作用下，不断重复地做往返运动，这个物体就是一个振动物体，声音就是由物体振动产生的。当我们观察一个发声物体时，我们常常看不到这个物体的振动。本课通过引导学生观察多个物体发声时的状态，为学生提供观察发声物体振动的机会。 聚焦板块围绕“这些声音是怎样发生的?”这个问题，开展全班讨论，了解学生对声音是如何产生的前概念。

探索板块，主要通过两个活动，实践揭示声音的本质。活动1:观察橡皮筋发出声音的状态，初步理解“振动”的含义，并初步在物体发出声音和物体的振动之间建立联系；活动2:观察钢尺、鼓、音叉等更多物体发声时的状态，进一步确认振动与物体发声的关系，物体振动时会发出声音，停止振动时就不会发出声音。 研讨板块，先通过问题引导研讨,用证据支持自己的观点，突出科学的本质。然后猜测吹竖笛的时候是什么在振动，来进一步拓展学生对振动的认识。 拓展板块，以阅读资料《我们的发声器官》来介绍人的发声器官声带，以及声带的发声原理，拓展学生的知识。 【学情分析】 学生对声音都有一定的了解，对声音的产生有着不同的生活经验。物体由于振动产生声音对于学生来说是一个比较模糊的概念，根据学生已有的生活经验和认知水平，他们觉得敲打、碰撞、摩擦……是物体发出声音的直接原因，他们关注的是什么动作使物体发出了声音，而不是发声物体的变化，缺乏深入的探究声音现象的本质。所以在设计整个探究活动的过程中要关注学生的认知特点、理解水平。 3.声音是怎样传播的 【教材简析】 《声音是怎样传播的》是教科版四年级上册第一单元《声音》的第三课。教材分为四部分。第一部分：聚焦。教材通过让同学们听鼓声，观察鼓面振动，提出今天的核心问题，声音是怎样传播的。第二部分：探究。通过对比真空和空气状态下同学们的声音体验，知道声音能够在空气中传播。通过比较靠近桌面听到的声音和不靠近桌面听到的声音，知道声音能够在固体中传播。通过观察音叉在水中的现象，听在水槽璧上的声音，知道声音也能在水中传播。第三部分：研讨。通过几个小问题，和同学们一起探讨，加深对于声音在物质中传播途径的掌握和理解。第四部分：拓展。通过制作土电话，玩土电话的活动，让同学们加深对于声波的理解，感知声音以波的形式传播，当声波遇到物体时，会使物体产生振动，声音就是这样通过各种物质，从一个地方传播到另外一个地方的。 【学情分析】

三年级学生学情分析

三年级学情分析 一、基本情况 本人名叫邢爱云，现任三年级数学，本班学生人数53人，期中男生33人，女生20人， 二、现状分析 1、结合本班数学课堂教学，从以下以下几个方面进行分析： 学习实效性情况分析 学生课前准备不够充分。学习比较浮躁，两极分化的现象比较突出。不少同学在学习上好胜心强，乐于学习，勇于克服学习上的困难，思维活跃，有较好的学习习惯，有较有成效的学习方法；但也有不少同学厌倦学习，畏惧困难，或是学习方法不当，或是学习习惯较差，作业不能及时上交，书写不规范，积年累月，致使学习基础薄弱。没有学习的主动性，学生把学习作为一种负担，有一种想要放弃但父母与老师盯着又不敢放手的状态。只要老师与父母一松，他们就不想学。学生分析问题的能力不强。学生缺乏理解问题、分析问题的能力，不能很好的理解题意；对概念的理解不深；计算能力有待提高；粗心大意，审题失误，答题技巧不高；部分学生答题时间分配不得法。等等，造成部分同学的学习成绩存在问题。 2、小组合作学习有效性分析 小组合作留于形式，缺乏时效性。通过调查我们发现7.14%的学生在课堂上觉得小组合作与自已无关，20.95%的学生在小组合作中只听别人讲，从观课过程中我们还发现小组合作中小组间的交流很少，基本上停留在独立学习的层次上，没有真正的讨论和合作，没有发挥小组合作的优势，其学习结果不能完全代表本小组的水平。小组成员间的分工不明确，很多同学在小组合作中不知道干什么？等问题。 3、作业设计训练及完成质量分析 课堂练习的设计形式单一，内容一致，没有针对不同层次的学生设计难易不同、形式多样的练习。布置的巩固练习随意性很大，没有切实地针对本堂课的内容进行练习；或者设计的练习太过于简单、形式单一等，没有体现巩固练习的有效性。 调查发现近52%的学生觉得数学教师给自己的课堂练习和问题回答的评价感觉每次一样，没有激励性，没有体现评价的有效性。 学生学习效果不理想。通过调查我们发现8.1%的学生对教师课后布置的作业只会一点，34.29%的学生大部分会；9.52%的学生不能够运用所学的知识解决生活中的问题，47.1%的学生只能解决部分问题。 4、学生学习成绩分析 从三年级开始，学习需要拿出真本事。三年级课程似乎一下子变得难了，许多事情都要靠自己的努力去解决。一、二年级的时候，有的孩子比较聪明，不太认真学习也能取得比较好的成绩，然而到了三年级就没有那么简单了，稍有马虎，学习成绩就有可能滑下来。常听

初中语文现代文阅读之语言赏析教学设计学情分析教材分析课后反思观评记录

现代文阅读之语言赏析教学设计 设计思想： 在语文教材中，现代文阅读始终占据着绝对的比重，是当代中学教育的一个重点，在中考中现代文阅读试题占据很大的比重，但始终是得分率偏低的一个部分。，因此，现代文阅读教学也成了初中语文教学的一个难点。首先以近五年中考语文试题中语言赏析类所考的频率和所占分值导入新课、再以近五年中考现代文阅读语言赏析类试题看题型，又以朱自清《春》中描写春花的一段赏析从而得出赏析角度，再辅以中考真题演练巩固，使学生在语言赏析题养成良好的答题习惯，规范他们的答题语言，提升答题能力 教学目标： 1、掌握现代文文本阅读中赏析语言的方法。 2、在赏析佳句中品味语言之美，体味作者的情感。

在语文教材中，现代文阅读始终占据着绝对的比重，是当代中学教育的一个重点，在中考中现代文阅读试题占据很大的比重，但始终是得分率偏低的一个部分。，因此，现代文阅读教学也成了初中语文教学的一个难点。现代文阅读并不仅仅以鉴赏好的文学作品为目的，也关系着学生认知能力、理解能力、思维能力和文学素养等多种能力和素质的培养。但是由于缺乏良好的现代文阅读习惯，缺少阅读技巧和阅读积累，大部分初中生的现代文阅读能力

都不是很强。影响的不仅仅是初中生的语文成绩和升学质量，作为认知能力、理解能力、思维能力和文学素养等多种能力和素质的基础，提高初中生的现代文阅读能力意义重大。我校学生在现代文阅读能力阅读习惯好阅读爱好方面或多或少的存在一定的问题，阅读范围狭窄，阅读兴趣不高，存在识字、理解障碍以及受劣质书籍毒害严重等问题为了提升学生的阅读教学质量，特别是针对初三临近毕业的学生为了能在中考甚至未来的高考中取胜，一定要养成良好的答题习惯，规范他们的答题语言，提升答题能力而加强这方面的训练，给予一定的方法指导。 《现代文阅读之语言赏析》效果分析 这节课突出了“以学生为主体”的课程理念。下面，我从教师的基本教学技能、学生的学习效果等方面，谈一谈这节课的优点。 一、基本教学技能 1.教学设计、教学理念 (1)整节课设计流畅，切合学生实际。脉络清晰，教学环节完整。 (2)教师创设问题引导学生自主学习，使学生始终处于积极参与的状态。 2.教学手段、教学策略 在教学中运用各种方法激发兴趣、引发质疑，丰富了课堂。使不同学习风格、不同学习水平的学生，都能在原有基础上有所进步。 3.教态、语言 (1)教师教态从容、亲切自然，与学生互动融洽。 (2)语调抑扬顿挫，有亲和力。提出的问题简练，发挥了“启发、引导、过渡、总结、激励”的作用。 二、学习效果 1.学生情感表现 (1)学生学习的兴趣浓厚，从学习活动中获得合作交流的乐趣。 (2)学生是课堂的主人，发挥了主体作用。 (3)学生参与度广，多数同学在小组活动、发言等方面体验到成功的喜悦，增强了自信心。2.学生能力培养 (1)思考能力。通过自主学习，发现问题从而使学生养成良好的思维习惯。 (2)表达能力。学生能积极回答教师提出的问题，表述规范、有条理。 三、令人遗憾之处 1、丰富的教学资源没能充分利用。 2、学习评价机制有效性低。 在语文教材中，现代文阅读始终占据着绝对的比重，是当代中学教育的一个重点，在中考中现代文阅读试题占据很大的比重，但始终是得分率偏低的一个部分。，因此，现代文阅读教学也成了初中语文教学的一个难点。现代文阅读并不仅仅以鉴赏好的文学作品为目的，也关系着学生认知能力、理解能力、思维能力和文学素养等多种能力和素质的培养。但是由于缺乏良好的现代文阅读习惯，缺少阅读技巧和阅读积累，大部分初中生的现代文阅读能力都不是很强。影响的不仅仅是初中生的语文成绩和升学质量，作为认知能力、理解能力、思维能力和文学素养等多种能力和素质的基础，提高初中生的现代文阅读能力意义重大。针对初三临近毕业的学生为了能在中考甚至未来的高考中取胜，一定要养成良好的答题习惯，规范他们的答题语言，提升答题能力而加强这方面的训练，给予一定的方法指导。

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绘制世界中国地图的般步骤42北冰洋沿岸可以简略处理，但要控制好白令海峡处的位置 3.

6.3.再画南亚、印度洋海岸 7. 84从堪察加半岛一笔画至越南南部，停顿观察与南亚部分的衔接，看看是否需要 修 改。

10.5.澳大利亚、南北美洲相对容易一些，但控制好框架最重要 12.6.画上赤道是检验世界地图画得成功与否的关键， 画得不好 露位置不准。 9. 11. 条直线过来就会暴

7. 有了轮廓图，就可以讲述海洋中的洋流、陆地上的山脉、河流、城市 8. 当然画一下完整的大西洋海岸是很有必要的。 二、中国地图 1. 从我国最北端“ 一笔三弯”绘到我国最东点 主要是针对版面，可控制中国地图的高度和最东，同时该线也决定了中国地图的大 小。当然，不管先画那一处，第一笔都决定着整个中国地图的大小。 2. 由北向下绘出中国雄鸡的头和嘴 该笔最受关注，整个中国图好不好，就看雄鸡的头和嘴。 3. 由西北端向东绘“三弯一提”。 4. 基本可以控制东西方的地图宽度，最东点、鸡嘴、西北阿尔泰几乎在一水平线, 13.

最东点一鸡嘴与鸡嘴一西北阿尔泰长度大约1:2 o 4. 沿乌苏里江向南“两弯一直” 5. 这一笔画难度较大，最后完工时往往会使人觉得雄鸡画胖了或者雄鸡头大了??… 这一笔还影响到渤海湾与山东半岛的形态，觉得这一笔决定着中国图的变形与否。 5. 由西北“三弯一平”至最西 6. 心有难处他乡走，常常犯难时就画这笔，缓解压力。该区域国界线关注不高，大致轮廓出来即可，同时也控制了整幅中国图的东西长度，最西端与辽东半岛高度差别不大。 6. 中国海岸线由北至南一笔完成 7. 注意：辽东湾、渤海湾、黄河三角洲、山东半岛、海州湾一线应经常练习，除辽东半岛、渤海、山东半岛外，多大致按半圆弧来绘制。该线条最快、最顺手。 7. 由帕米尔高原到滇藏分界处“两弯一圆弧” 8. 边界处重要城市不多，关注不高，可以简略处理，但要使整个中国地图有形，喀喇昆仑山附近边界和克什米尔地区附近的凹处将是关键之笔。 8. 从云南西北方收尾到广西沿海。 注意：云南滇西和滇南有两处凸出，滇南凸出处与北部湾大致持平，云桂交界处向北近北回归线

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教学设计 教学内容： 青岛版六年级下册数学第五单元68——71页 教材简析： 本单元在统计表以及条形统计图、折线统计图的基础上编排。扇形统计图不仅表示各个部分数量的多少，而且侧重于用同一个圆里的大大小小的扇形，表示各个部分数量与总数量之间的关系，表示各个部分数量分别占总数量的百分之几。教学扇形统计图，要使学生认识它的特点。了解它的用处，能够看懂统计图所呈现的数据信息，能够利用统计图给出的百分数解决实际问题。体会条形图、折线图、扇形图的不同，体会根据数据内容合理选择统计图的必要性。 小学数学不要求制作扇形统计图。因为制作扇形统计图需要扇形的知识，要计算扇形的圆心角，而小学数学只简单认识扇形，不教学画扇形，所以小学生不具备制作扇形统计图的知识与能力。况且，人们已经很少手工制作扇形统计图了，利用计算机画出扇形统计图，既方便又准确，而且十分美观。 教学目标： 1.认识扇形统计图，知道扇形统计图表示的意义，了解扇形统计图的作用。 2.经历数据的整理、描述和分析的过程，感受统计在现实生活中的作用，发展统计观念。教学准备： 课件、直尺、每人一份导学案、完成预习案中的题目 教学过程： 一、课前预习 让学生完成预习案中的三个问题，包括： 1.我们之前学过哪些统计图？分别说出每种统计图的特点和作用。 2.了解关于奥运会的知识 3.根据第三十届奥运会金牌榜数据整理完成以下统计表。 填表说明： 水上项目包括：游泳、花样游泳、水球、跳水等 重竞技项目包括：拳击、跆拳道、举重、柔道、摔跤等 以上未列举的都统计到“其他”里面。项目射击水上球类竞技体操重竞技其他数量

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一风水学入门讲义

风水学入门讲义(1） 2009-03-17 19:12:54来自: 圆圆的圆(去云游吧~) 编者按：人类一直在追求和平的环境和健康的体魄，然而万事万物都是普遍联系的，一些看似不相干的事，却往往联系得如此紧密，大大超出了人类现有的认识水平。对于许多民族和国家的人来说，不会认为自身的健康和自己的住宅以及过世家人陵墓的方位、地势等问题有太大的关系。但在中国，这个问题已经历了数千年的验证。也许用全息论的观点，可以做出一点勉强的解释。 前言 中国传统文化浩如烟海，内容繁多，其中包含的“风水学”更显得博大精深，为中国炎黄子孙几千年来的经济、文化以及科技的发达，起着十分重要的作用。它像一颗灿烂的明珠，永放光芒。自古以来，人们用风水知识进行趋吉避凶、解除病苦和贫困，乞求子孙的繁荣、福禄的旺盛、仕途的顺昌、爵位的升迁等方面，均依赖选择、改变风水来实现。因此，古人总结为：风水之道“夺神功，改天命。”风水知识浩如烟海，笔者只能以所学之微不足道与各位同仁交流。 一、风水学的基本含义 二、谈风水学的起源及其历史发展 三、浅谈风水知识的基本内容 （一）形势 （二）理气 四、罗盘的发明和应用 五、风水对人体生命的影响 六、学习风水的现实意义 一、风水学的基本含义风水这一名字起始于中国晋朝托名为郭璞（公元276——324年）所著的《葬书》。

书曰：“葬者，乘生气也。”经曰：“气乘风则散，界水则止，古人聚之使不散，行之便有止。故谓之…风水?”。风水之法，“得水为上，藏风次之”。又曰：“浅深得乘，风水自成。夫阴阳之气，噫而为风，升而为云，降而为雨，行乎地中，而为生气。夫土者之体，有土斯有气，气者水之母，有气斯有水。”在这以前人们把风水文化称为堪舆学。《玄灵修真辞典》中说：“堪舆，属传统文化方术之一，堪舆风水之术，在我国民间流传较广，①天地的代称，《淮南子》许慎注：“堪，天道也。舆，地道也。”②即风水，指住宅基地或坟地形势，也指相宅、相墓之法。还可理解为：堪者仰观天象，舆者俯察地气。《辞源》说：“风水，指宅地或坟地的地势，方向等。”《辞海》说：“风水。也叫堪舆。……也指相宅、相墓之法。” 风水的核心内容，是人们对居住环境进行选择和处理的一种学问。风水理论的核心是人，它追求的目标是人与自然环境的和谐与统一。在天、地、人三者之间，既强调人的主体地位，又不偏废自然环境和地理环境，注重天时、地理、人和之间的协和自然美。故有人又称风水学是“地球磁场与人类关系的学问”，也有人称它为“美学”，还有人称它为“环境学”、“元素学”、“软科学”等等。其范围包括住宅、宫室、寺观、陵墓、村落、城市诸方面，其中涉及陵墓的称为阴宅，涉及人居住方面的称为阳宅。风水对居住环境的影响主要表现在：一是对基址的选择，即追求一种在生理和心理上都能满足的地形条件；二是对居住形态的处理，包括自然环境的利用与改造，房屋的朝向、位置、高低大小、出入口选择，道路、供水、排水等因素的安排；三是在上述基础上添加某种符号（即理气），以满足人们避凶就吉的心理需求（摘《风水探源序》）。风水学有时还叫地理风水或简称地理学，很早以前还有称其为青乌、青乌术的等等。 二、谈风水学的起源及其历史发展中国人对地理风水的意识产生很早，“上古之时，人民少而禽兽众，人民不胜禽兽虫蛇。”在那种危机四伏的自然条件下，人们先以树木为巢舍，后来在了解自然和改造自然的实践中，首先对居住环境进行了改造。大约在六七千年前的原始村落——半坡村遗址，“选址多位于发育较好的马兰阶地上，特别是河流交汇处……离河较远的，则多在泉近旁。”西安半坡遗址就座落于渭河的支流浐河阶地上方，地势高而平缓，土壤肥沃，适宜生活和开垦。由此可知，那时的部落对居住环境已有所选择，并且这种选择是建立在对地理环境和风水知识有所认识的基础之上，懂得居住方位与日照和风寒的关系。如半坡中间的房子朝东，围绕大房子氏族成员的房子多朝南，即表现出“喜东南，厌西北”的特点，遗址四周有防御性豪沟；沟北、南有公共墓地，居住与墓地分开（《风水探源》）。 到了殷周时期，已有卜宅之文。如周朝公刘率众由邰迁豳，他亲自勘察宅茔，“既景乃冈，相其阴阳，观其流泉。”（《诗经?公刘》）

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小学三年级体育学情分析

小学三年级体育学情分析对学生的学习等情况进行分析有利于在教育教学中使学 生尽快的接受新事物,新知识,改进教学方法,使师生共同进步。现将三年级学生的一些情况进行分析。 一、自然情况 三年级现有一个班,一共10人。男4人、女6人。来自于不同的村。 二、学习情况 1、三年级的小学生是形成自信心的关键期。他们更容易产生兴奋感、自豪感,对自己充满信心;有的还表现出强烈的自我确定、自我主张,对自己评价偏高,甚至有时“目空一切”,容易导致自负的心理。相反,有的孩子由于成绩不良或某个方面的缺失,受到班级同学的歧视,往往对自己评价过低,对自己失去信心。因此,在教学中要时不时应用一些小“特技”来提醒那些目空一切的孩子,告诫他们自己还有很多东西要学,而对那些失去信息的孩子要及时抓住机会鼓励他们。 2、情绪不稳定:三年级学生由于生活经验不足,容易产生紧张的情绪,自我调节能力比较差,难以释放心理的压力,这样就容易使他们的心情变坏。他们喜欢与伙伴共同游戏、学习,但情绪很不稳定,容易激动、冲动,常为一点小事面红耳赤,而且情绪变化极大,并且表露在外,心情的好坏大多数从

脸上一望便知。这就要求我们要有敏锐的洞察力,发现问题及时解决,并且在平日教学中增加小组合作,加强团队精神,培养学生集体荣誉感。 3、自控力不强:从三年级开始,学生进入少年期,此时会出现一种强烈要求独立和摆脱成人控制的欲望,因此他们的性格特征中也会表现出明显的独立性。同时,随着年龄的增长,他们对外部控制的依赖性逐渐减少,但是内部的自控能力又尚未发展起来,还不能有效地调节和控制自己的日常行为。遇到这种问题,我们应该“恩威并用”,表扬自觉的学生,适时使用管理软件对不能自控的学生进行提醒、控制。 总之,在传授知识的同时,更要确保学生的人身安全,主张健康第一的原则,在教学过程中不断发现问题,解决问题,不断改进教学方法,让学生在轻松愉悦的氛围中学到知识。

小学三年级学生学情分析

小学三年级学生学情分析 一、学生状态分析 1、个性差别大：三年级的小学生是形成自信心的关键期。他们在接受别人的评价中能发现自身的价值，产生兴奋感、自豪感，对自己充满信心；有的还表现出强烈的自我确定、自我主张，对自己评价偏高，甚至有时“目空一切”，容易导致自负的心理。相反，有的孩子由于成绩不良或某个方面的缺失，受到班级同学的歧视，往往对自己评价过低，对自己失去信心。 2、情绪不稳定：三年级学生由于生活经验不足，他们在陌生、严肃、冲突、恐怖、约束、遭受指责等情况下，容易产生紧张的情绪，自我调节能力比较差，难以释放心理的压力，这样就容易使他们的心情变坏。他们喜欢与伙伴共同游戏、学习，但情绪很不稳定，容易激动、冲动，常为一点小事面红耳赤，而且情绪变化极大，并且表露在外，心情的好坏大多数从脸上一望便知。 3、自控力不强：从三年级开始，学生进入少年期，此时会出现一种强烈要求独立和摆脱成人控制的欲望，因此他们的性格特征中也会表现出明显的独立性。同时，随着年龄的增长，他们对外部控制的依赖性逐渐减少，但是内部的自控能力又尚未发展起来，还不能有效地调节和控制自己的日常行为。学习方面从三年级开始，学习需要拿出真本事。三年级课程似乎一下子变得难了，许多事情都要靠自己的努力去解决。一、二年级的时候，有的孩子比较聪明，不太认真学习也能取得比较好的成绩，然而到了三年级就没有那么简单了，稍有马虎，学习成绩就有可能滑下来。常听有些家长说：我孩子一二年级一直考99、100分，怎么到三年级只有90来分、八十几分了，的确是这样，三年级是一个两极分化的阶段，由于学习内容多了，难度大了，孩子要保持高分，需要花费更多的力气，付出更多的努力，如果马虎的话，成绩很容易大幅下滑。但是只要各位家长和

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三年级学生的学情分析 一、学生现状 （一）学生日常学习分析 三年级是从低年级到高年级的过渡，学生要接受知识的变化，要接思维方式的变化，学习方法的变化。是小学阶段比较重要的阶段。 总体来看，学生的计算能力比较强，只要认真，基本能很好的完成计算，但是口算和估算的能力不是很强。抽象概括能力不强，从以有的计算方法习惯中抽象出法则的能力要训练。学生根据应用题中的已知条件和问题，恰当的提出中间温暖体，确立先算什么，再算什么，这样的分析综合能力不高。此外学生的类推迁移能力有待于进一步的训练，很多学生不能在学会了例题的解答思路后顺利的类推出解答的方法。在学习了新知识后，学生不能很好的探讨出计算和解答的规律。 学生贪玩好动，注意力不集中，抄数不认真、书写不规范，质疑、问难不积极，不知道认真阅读数学书，不能主动对学习过的知识进行总结。缺少认真、严谨、踏实、不怕困难的精神。 （二）期末考试反应出的问题 1、计算不认真，马虎现象比较严重。 2、不能很好的建立数的概念，基数和叙述的运用不分明。 3、看线段图分析的能力不强，不能很好的分析出其中的数量关系。 4、没有能很好的建立两步应用题中的各种数量关系。

5、运用语言区分概念的能力，以及表达能力不强。 二、学生发展目标 1. 结合计算教学，培养学生认真计算、自觉验算的学习习惯。 2. 通过克和吨的认识和应用题等内容的学习，了解数学在日常生活中的广泛应用，激发求知欲，培养学生学习数学兴趣，进一步明确学习的目的。 3. 通过对加减法关系和两三步计算应用题的学习与训练，了解数学概念彼此之间的联系，渗透事物之间普遍联系和事物之间在一定条件下可以转化的观点以及有关的数学思想和方法。 4. 通过多位数读、写，笔算的书写，计算、验算、和应用题的解答等细致、严密的学习过程，培养学生认真、严格、刻苦钻研的学习态度和独立思考的良好学习习惯，并加强捕捉信息，动手操作的实践能力。 5. 通过一些数据对学生进行保护环境教育。

(完整版)小学三年级语文学情分析

小学三年级语文学情分析 康建珍 一、通过对学生的平时的观察和与语文教师沟通，结合听评课及学生成绩，看到学生对语文学习兴趣比较高，有四分之一学生很喜欢语文学习，大部分学生喜欢或比较喜欢语文学习，只有个别学生不太喜欢语文学习。 二、从完成课外作业时间与学习知识检测来看，总体上学习基础不够扎实，两极分化距离较大。同样的一篇课外阅读作业，最快的学生与最慢的学生在阅读完成时间上整整相差近一倍的时间，作业慢的学生主要是知识掌握不扎实，基础较差者，读课文还停留在低年级的指读水平。还有的是连最基本的字都不会认，一篇课文十有八九不会读；从知识检测来看，对课标要求的达成度一般。因此可以看出三年级学生总体学习水平一般，特别突出的学生不多，大部分学生处于中等水平，极少数学生成绩较落后。可以说学生的学习兴趣与学习基础之间形成鲜明的反差，也就是简单的知识学生表现为很强的表现欲望，积极性高涨；而对于有一定难度的知识，学生望而生畏，表现出无能为力的态度。再加上学生课外阅读量较少，学生的课外知识面与知识量少得可怜。 三、通过与学生接触，以及平时学生上课的表现与作业情况的检查，发现学生学习习惯一般，特别优异的学生很少，有一小部分学生学习习惯不好。 下面从以下几个方面展开分析： 1、上课发言情况。发言比较积极的只是一少部分，发言一般的学生近一半，还有一小部分学生很少发言，甚至于几乎从不发言。同时，学生发言情况极不稳定，一是凭学生今天的学习兴趣，若学生学习兴趣高涨，发言比较积极，若是学习无兴趣，则课堂上一言不发；二是学习知识的难易程度，若知识比较简单，学生发言积极，若知识有一定难度，学生发言则很少。 2、学生作业情况。由于学生基础不一，两极分化严重，因而学生表现出作业速度相差较大， 整体速度偏慢，大部分学生在教师规定时间里不能完成相应试题。其次学生作业正确率不高，粗心的学生较多。作业整洁度也不太好。 3、主动学习状况。大部分学生主动学习意识比较淡溥，主动学习习惯还没

教材分析学情分析及设计意图新编

教材分析学情分析及设 计意图新编 WTD standardization office【WTD 5AB- WTDK 08- WTD 2C】

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