对国内国际移民理论研究的反思_以_蒙_苗人为例_英文_王富文

［中文文摘］中国的苗族被分为三到四个族群，他们所讲的语言相互不通，而且在当前来看他们在文化上几乎没有共同之处。这些族群中的一支自称为“蒙”(Hmong)。在过去200年里，“蒙”苗从广西和云南不断移入越南和缅甸，然后进入老挝和泰国，并在那里的山地建起了小村寨。整个过程里他们与来自云南的回族和汉族保持着贸易关系。本文作者于1981至1982年在泰国北部做田野考察时，老人们仍然会讲汉语云南方言，而现在的他们已经忘记了汉语，只会讲他们自己的“蒙”语以及他们当前居住国的主要语言，如泰语、老挝语或者越南语。

1975年越战结束后，近10万“蒙”难民逃入泰国，联合国把这部分难民安置在了法国、加拿大、美国、澳大利亚、新西兰。从此，“蒙”苗成了一个全球性社区。这些山地居民在美国、澳大利亚过着艰辛的生活。即便今天许多人的生活依然贫困，老人们不会讲英语，要靠年轻人为他们翻译，但是他们中也有获得很大成功的人士。在美国有许多“蒙”苗获得了博士学位、硕士学位，有的在地方政府教育董事会和市议会工作，也有许多著名的“蒙”艺术家、作家和音乐家，还有在高校任教的教授或者从商很成功的人士。

近期的国际移民理论已经脱离先前的“熔炉”理论，该理论认为许多从不同国家移入美国的移民要么被当地社会所同化，要么同化失败。根据许多学者的研究，我们知道移民与其原居国之间的关系并没有完全断绝，有时他们甚至居于两个国家，并在原居国和现居国中都起着重要作用。本文作者曾经在四川“蒙”寨里做过田野，也就“蒙”的跨境关系做过调查，目前主要关注城市中的族群迁徙。根据作者的调查，无论是国内迁徙或者国际迁徙，迁徙者与其原居地或者原居国之间都产生着这样或那样的联系。比方说许多年老的“蒙”难民以及一些年轻的“蒙”，无论是富有的，还是不太富有的，只要有机会就会不断回到泰国、老挝甚至中国寻根、与那里的“蒙”人交朋

ility)。在这里，流动并不仅仅指人的流动，也指物品(货物、商品)以及标志(构想、价值观)的流动。

关于移民问题的研究方法是非常复杂的。索林格(Solinger，1999)对三种方法进行了对比;一种是理性计算(rational calculation)，即从理性选择理论的视角探讨移民个体的动机;一种是强调导致移民的历史结构性条件(his-torico－structural conditions)，如不平衡发展、干旱、失业、外迁传统，或者与当地政府和城市的矛盾;一种是社会关系网络(social networ-king)分析。本文作者认为，这三种方法均应的，是地方的制造。纵观历史，人们一直在不断地流动，但把人口固定在一个固定的地方，把他们跟一具体的地方联系在一起一直是政府以及国家权力的兴趣所在。当今世界，流动变得更为明显，更具规模并更为快速，而流动本身从来就未停止过。

［关键词］苗族;“蒙”;国内移民;国际移民;反思

注释：本文原文系英文，英文全文请见本期118－126页。

收稿日期：2013－05－30责任编辑：王珏

The Miao people（a minzu）in China are di-vided into three to four ethnic groups（zuqun）who speak mutually unintelligible languages and have almost nothing in common culturally today．One of these groups is called the Hmong in their own lan-guage（“Miao”is a Chinese word）．For the last 200years，the Hmong Miao have been slowly mi-grating out of Guangxi and Yunnan into Vietnam and Burma，and then to Laos and to Thailand where they have established small villages in the mountains．All the time they have kept in contact with Hui and Han traders from Yunnan whose trading networks criss－crossed the ethnic minority villages in the mountains of Laos，Vietnam，Thai-land and Burma．When I did my fieldwork with the Hmong in North Thailand，in1981－82，the older men（the grandfathers）could still speak Yun-nanese Chinese，and they remembered their grand-fathers telling them about life in Vietnam and Chi-na．Today they have forgotten how to speak Chi-nese，and they only speak their own language，Hmong，together with either Thai or Lao or Viet-where they have now lived for7generations or more．

In both Vietnam and Laos，the Hmong people were caught up in the anti－imperialist struggle a-gainst the Americans and their allies in the Viet-nam War．Many of them supported the communist parties in Vietnam and Laos．Many–perhaps a third of them in Laos–were killed．Many，how-ever，supported the American side and worked for them as mountain guides，porters，helicopter pi-lots，or guerrilla fighters．When North Vietnam fi-nally defeated South Vietnam in1975and theＲev-olution was declared in both Vietnam and Laos，100，000Hmong refugees who had supported the American side in Laos，fled into Thailand as refu-gees．From Thailand，the United Nations resettled them in France and Canada，the USA，Australia and New Zealand．The Hmong Miao had become a global community．

Life was very difficult for these mountain peo-ple in the new cities of France and America，etc．Many remain very poor even today and the older

late．Since the works of Basch，Schiller and Blanc （1994），Schiller，Glick and Fouron（1999；2001），especially on the people of Haiti，we know today that many immigrants do not lose their ties to their home country but sometimes they live in two countries and play an important role in both their old and their new country．For example，Ashley Carruthers（2008etc．）in Australia has shown how the younger Vietnamese in Sydney are now travelling regularly between Australia and the Viet-nam which their parents ran away from，starting businesses and even playing a role in local politics in Vietnam and forming relationships which we call “transnational”in nature．Ashley pinpoints the crucial role of new media in this．It seems to be the same for some of the Hmong outside China in Western countries．

After my fieldwork in a Hmong village in Si-chuan in1989，from2000to2005I won a grant from the Chiang Ching－Kuo Foundation in Tai-wan，to study the transnational relationships of the Hmong people．I did some fieldwork with a col-World．In other cases，it is not always the richer Hmong in the USA who make these visits；unem-ployed and not very rich Hmong men also do it if they can find enough money．What I found most interesting was the use of new means of communi-cation to shrink global distances，time and space．Young Hmong men in the US were searching for Hmong girlfriends and wives on the Internet，mo-bile phones were used to talk to aged relatives in Laos，videos and then DVDs were used like family news－letters home（Hmong in Laos and Thailand recording themselves and then sending the tapes to their relatives in the US or Australia）．A new idea of global Hmong identity is emerging，based on these transnational encounters．

Now that I am based in Shanghai，my current research is about the ethnic minority migrants from the countryside to Shanghai．I have a grant from the National Ministry of Education for this．What I want to do here today is review some of the back-ground literature relevant to this，and examine the connections between such research in a national

tant guidelines for future research in this field．An immediate theoretical inspiration for re-search on the connections between national and in-ternational migration is Oakes and Schein（2006），a geographer and an anthropologist，who argue that theoretical insights from the study of transnational-ism should now be applied to the study of national migration．Schein（2006）has to some extent initi-ated this research through her work on Miao women in China who have married into other provinces （such as Jiangsu）and transformed local place through mobility，since her other work，like some of my own，relates to transnational encounters be-tween US Hmong and Miao from China，both in the US and in China．Schein describes how Miao women from Guizhou have married into one Han village in Jiangsu and changed the“sense of place”there，since they now cook spicy food for their Han husbands and wear towels round their heads when they work in the fields．Spicy food and turbans round the women’s heads have become quite a common sight in this village，and so the i-it is appropriate to inquire into the role of the kind of networks Urry describes in transforming place and intention，and mobilities not only of people but also of things（goods，commodities）and signs （images，values），as much post－modern litera-ture on the Information Age has stressed．What has emerged from most of this literature has been an emphasis on mobility as primary，and constitutive of place－making．A PhD．thesis by Wasan Pan-yageow at the Australian National University was one of the first to stress this idea of movement as primary，in his study of Buddhism and rock music among the Dai people of Xishuang Banna in Yun-nan．My current research on ethnic minority mi-grants in Shanghai builds on these ideas；it seems to me that Shanghai is an ideal place to put these i-deas to the test（ideas about“geographies of scale”and how networks change places and inten-tions）in a national context，since Shanghai has for a long time been a kind of“springboard”for mi-grants from the interior of China on their path to lo-cations overseas，in Southeast Asia and beyond．

We can compare the really very little work done so far on the internal migration of minority people in China with all the extensive and well－known work for so many decades on1）Han migra-tion within China and2）the international diaspora of the“Overseas Chinese”．For work on Overseas Chinese，it ranges from very early work by Wang Gungwu and others in Southeast Asia，often stress-ing the power of nostalgia for the homeland（laox-iang），to more recent work on“flexible citizens”by Aihwa Ong and Nonini，which shows Chinese entrepreneurs shifting easily between different countries and different national contexts in a quite “cosmopolitan”way．We may note that some of this work on the overseas diaspora of Chinese peo-ples necessarily involves ethnic minorities，both those formally recognised within China as ethnic minorities（such as，in the southern context，the Hmong，Yao，Lisu，Lahu and Hani of Southeast Asia），and those whose differences may be seen as “ethnic”or“sub－ethnic”although they are not formally recognised as ethnic，such as the field，such as Xin Meng（2000）on labour market reform，which noted that70–80%of rural mi-grants obtain jobs prior to migration，through infor-mal networks of family and friends．She shows（p．151）that the artificial“segmentation”of urban labour markets，between urban residents and rural migrants，has meant that rural migrants have not significantly impacted“urban hidden unemploy-ment”．A long－term project by Maurer－Fazio （2005；2006）at Bates College，together with James Hughes and Zhang Dangdan of the Austral-ian National University，does concern the effects of minority nationality as well as gender on labour force participation，providing indicative materials on issues such as whether ethnic differentials in ur-ban labour force participation reflect gender differ-ences．Minority migration may now show higher rates of female participation than Han migration．But this is work in descriptive statistics，on sample data taken from the population censuses．While providing invaluable background material and pointing to topics such as gender differentials and

where she found refugees from Southeast Asia，in-cluding Cambodians，Lao，Yao and Hmong Miao，picking mushrooms in the autumn to sell at huge profits to exporters to Japan．To understand this she needed to have undertaken research in Japan where the mushroom is so prized and valued，on middle－class Japanese tastes and consumption habits in Kyoto which contrasted radically with those of the pickers in Oregon，and also of course with the commercial exporters．This work has now expanded to China which also supplies the mush-room to Japan，and has become an innovative and communal collaborative research project，involving a number of different researchers exchanging data and even half－written papers．Such research，on what she calls“supply chain capitalism”，involves the movement of a commodity，but also of people，and of ideas and values．And the fact that it in-volves a research team，rather than just a single re-searcher，may be a good lesson for us when we try to combine studies of international with national migration．s North，concerned to improve themselves and gain experience through world travel and experience of other countries？

In our current research in Shanghai，conduc-ted in collaboration with Prof．Zhang Jianghua of Shanghai University and with the assistance of7re-search assistants，we are concentrating on the members of official minzu categories in China and trying to define to what extent ethnicity is an im-portant factor in their migration and their types of migration．The research is intended to test the hy-pothesis of a strong link between ethnic minority status and urban migration within China，through examining in anthropological detail groups of se-lected migrants from both their source and target locations in Shanghai．In the first year we are col-lecting statistical data and interviewing members of ethnic minority temporary workers in Shanghai，and in the following year we will pay visits to four of their home locations，probably in Guizhou，Yunnan and Guangxi，to understand the patterns of out－migration better as a whole from the point of

migrate．Our preliminary results suggest not only that Shanghai is generally the second or third place of migration for these ethnic minority people－many have already worked in Guangzhou or Dong-guang or Chongqing or Shenzhen or elsewhere （where the main factories are）and sometimes have made several repeat visits–but also that it tends to be the more educated and Sinicised of the ethnic minority people who“migrate”to Shanghai for work．In many cases our interviewees do not know their original languages or customs，and a large proportion have parents who“converted”to ethnic minority status in the1980s，or one Han parent and one minority parent．

My own research has focused on a network of about20Miao migrants from Kaili and Taijiang in Southeast Guizhou．My focal informants have been the close family members of a group of three sisters who came to Shanghai at different times following the oldest sister，my primary informant．The mid-dle sister was kidnapped from her village and sold to be the wife of an elderly man in Guangdong．or Dong there，although they know there are groups of other people they call Hyana and Dako who are not the same as them ethnically，they are not sure if they are also Miao or not．One of the most inter-esting features of this group is that both the oldest sister，and the youngest sister，have married Han husbands from the same village in Jiangsu，and so have many other Miao from their hometown in Guizhou．It seems that the oldest sister came brief-ly to Shanghai to work，met her Han husband in Shanghai，and then went to his village in Jiangsu to marry him，where she lived for several years be-fore they returned to Shanghai，leaving her daugh-ter to be brought up by her husband’s parents in the familiar pattern of“left－behind youth”in China’s rural－to－urban migration，because of the much greater cost of living in Shanghai．Her hukou，and the hukou of her youngest sister，were transferred to their husbands’village in Jiangsu when they got married，and for some reason－they do not seem to have thought about it much–their daughter’s official nationality on her hukou was

deas of one－directional flows of poor and unedu-cated people from the countryside to the cities and point to much more involved and complex proces-ses of movement but it is too early to say whether this is an aspect of ethnic，or Miao，migration，or a more general phenomenon among the“floating”population of“temporary”migrant workers today．And they do raise the sort of questions Oakes and Schein（2006）raise about how such movements challenge or reinforce existing regional geographic spatial inequalities．

A final example from our research in Shanghai also makes this point．One research assistant，Ms．Shufei，has been working with members of the Chaoxian or“Korean”ethnic minority people in China．Her informants at a Korean restaurant in Shanghai include several who have either worked previously in South Korea，or who have parents currently working there．Again this is a somewhat extraordinary case，where we can clearly see inter-national and national patterns of migration intersec-ting．Of course the Chaoxian are originally a cross norities coming to Shanghai）．Still，when one re-members all the many other cross－border ethnic minorities in China，such as the Uighur and Tibet-ans，or the Wa and De’ang of Yunnan，or Zhuang in Guangxi，to say nothing of the Hmong Miao or Yao，it is clear that national and interna-tional migration flows are increasingly forming part of a single flow connecting and reconnecting indi-vidual localities in a global process．

Conclusions

Approaches to migration in migration studies are very complex，ranging for instance from Doro-thy Solinger to Ada Lai in Hong Kong．Solinger （1999）contrasted three approaches；an approach based on rational calculation，where we examine the motivations of individual migrants from a ra-tional choice theory viewpoint；an approach based on stressing the historico－structural conditions which cause migration，such as uneven develop-ment，drought，unemployment，a tradition of out －migration，or contracts between local govern-ments and cities；and an approach based on social

niches for themselves in the places they migrate to．

I would conclude by stressing the importance of a network approach taken from the sociology of John Urry in these studies of both national and in-ternational migration，and the need to see move-ment as primary，and productive of place，as much recent anthropological literature has stressed（see Wasan）．Through history，people have always been moving，as Clifford’s bookＲoutes make clear，but it has been in the interests of govern-ments and state authorities to fix populations in fixed places and present them as tied to particular places（as Jim Scott’s most recent book also stresses）．In today’s world，movement is more obvious and greater and faster，but it has always been there．

Note：

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