奥巴马告别演讲英文全文

奥巴马告别演讲英文全文

当地时间1月10日，奥巴马在芝加哥麦克米克会展中心(McCormick Place)作了告别演讲。我们不妨来看看奥巴马告别演讲英文全文吧，以下是小编精心整理的相关内容，希望对大家有所帮助!

奥巴马告别演讲英文全文

It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of

faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea our bold experiment in self-government.

It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny,

pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish,

Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on

the evidence that’s out there.

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil,

doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It’s that spirit a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on

principles the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’

ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the

fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics,

and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning

of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.

Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one

in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed.

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for

refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in XX, in XX, in XX and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

You’re not the only ones. Michelle for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of

years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

To my remarkable staff: For eight years and for some of you, a whole lot more I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

And to all of you out there every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every

young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.

That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans especially so many young people out there to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be

right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:

Yes We Can.

Yes We Did.

Yes We Can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.

经典演讲稿：奥巴马上海演讲中文版

经典演讲稿：奥巴马上海演讲中文版 【奥巴马上海演讲中文版】 你好。诸位下午好。我感到很荣幸能够有机会到上海跟你们交谈，我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长，感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。 我还想感谢我们出色的大使洪博培，他是我们两国间深厚的纽带。 我不知道他刚才说什么，但是希望他说得很好。 我今天准备这样，先做一个开场白，我真正希望做的是回答在座的问题，不但回答在座的学生问题，同时还可以从网上得到一 些问题，由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提问。很抱歉，我的 中文远不如你们的英文，所以我期待和你们的对话。这是我首次访 问中国，我看到你们博大的国家，感到很兴奋。在上海这里，我们 看到了瞩目的增长，高耸的塔楼，繁忙的街道，还有企业家的精神。这些都是中国步入21世纪的迹象，让我感到赞叹。同时我也急切的

要看到向我们展现中国古老的古迹，明天和后天我要到北京去看雄伟壮丽的故宫和令人叹为观止的长城，这个国度既有丰富的历史，又有对未来憧憬的信念。 而我们两国的关系也是如此，上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大城市，在30年前，《上海公报》打开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新的篇章。 不过美国与这个国家的纽带可以追溯更久远的过去，追溯到美国独立的初期，乔治-华盛顿组织了皇后号的下水仪式，这个船成功前往大清王朝，华盛顿希望看到这艘船前往各地，与中国结成新的纽带。希望中国开辟新的地平线，建立新的伙伴关系。在其后的两个世纪中，历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展，而即使在最动荡的方向中，我们的两国人民打造深的，甚至有戏剧性的纽带，比如美国人永远不会忘记，在二战期间，美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后，当地人民对他们的款待，中国公民冒着失去一切的危险罩着他们。

著名的英语演讲稿

篇一：百篇著名英文演讲 奥巴马纪念曼德拉 the president: at his trial in 1964, nelson mandela closed his statement from the dock saying, i have fought against white domination, and i have fought against black domination. i have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. it is an ideal which i hope to live for and to achieve. but if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die. 总统：纳尔逊?曼德拉（nelson mandela）在1964年接受审判时在被告席上结束他的陈述时说：“我曾为反对白人统治而斗争，也曾为反对黑人统治而斗争。我一直珍藏着一个民主、自由的社会的理想，让所有人都生活在一个和谐共处、机会均等的社会中。我希望为这个理想而生并将其付诸实现。但是，如果需要，我也愿为这样一个理想献出生命。” and nelson mandela lived for that ideal, and he made it real. he achieved more than could be expected of any man. today, he has gone home. and we have lost one of the most influential, courageous, and profoundly good human beings that any of us will share time with on this earth. he no longer belongs to us -- he belongs to the ages. 纳尔逊?曼德拉为这个理想而生，并将其变成现实。他的成就超出了我们能够寄望于任何一个人去取得的。今天，他安息了。而我们失去了一位我们任何一个人能在这个地球上与之共渡时光的人中最有影响力、最有勇气、最无比善良的一位。他不再属于我们——他属于千秋万世。 曼德拉以其强烈的尊严和为了他人的自由不惜牺牲自己的自由的不折的意志，改变了南非的面貌，并感动了我们所有人。他从一名囚徒变成一位总统的历程体现了全人类——以及各个国家——都能变得更美好的希望。他移交权力并同那些关押他的人和解的承诺树立了一个全人类都应当追求的典范，不论是在国家生活中，还是在我们的个人生活中。而他在做到这一切时还能保持风度和幽默，以及承认自己的不足的能力，这使他更加卓尔不群。他曾说过：“我不是一个圣人，除非你们认为圣人是一个不断努力的罪人。” 我是从曼德拉的一生得到启迪的千百万人之一。我从事的第一次政治活动，第一次同任何议题、政策或者政治有关的活动，是一次反对种族隔离的抗议。我常常学习他的言论和文章。他走出监狱的那一天使我意识到，人类在奔向希望而没有恐惧的时候是何等的大有作为。我和世界各地许多人一样，无法想象如果没有曼德拉树立的榜样，我自己的一生会是什么样子。在我有生之年，我将竭尽所能向他学习。 米歇尔和我谨向格拉萨?马歇尔和曼德拉的家人致以最深沉的慰唁，并感谢他们与我们分享这位不平凡的人。他的毕生努力意味着长年累月远离最爱他的人们。我真切地希望与他共同度过的最后这几个星期为他的家人带来了平静与安慰。 to the people of south africa, we draw strength from the example of renewal, and reconciliation, and resilience that you made real. a free south africa at peace with itself -- thats an example to the world, and thats madibas legacy to the nation he loved. 对南非人民，我们要说，你们通过复生、和解与坚毅树立的榜样给了我们力量。一个自由、和平的南非——这是世界的榜样，这是“马迪巴”为他所热爱的国家留下的遗产。 we will not likely see the likes of nelson mandela again. so it falls to us as best we can to forward the example that he set: to make decisions guided not by hate, but by love; to never discount the difference that one person can make; to strive for a future that is worthy of his sacrifice.

奥巴马发表告别演讲,挥泪感谢米歇尔,但仍然不忘怼中国

奥巴马发表告别演讲，挥泪感谢米歇尔，但仍然不忘怼中国 奥巴马的时代彻底画上句号了。 美国东部时间1月10日，奥巴马回到家乡芝加哥，在他8年前开始总统生涯的地方发表自己的告别演讲（farewell speech）。 跛脚鸭总统继续发挥段子手特长，在最后一次官方“脱口秀”中，依旧亮点纷呈，下面和双语君（微信ID：chinadaily_mobile）一起来感受下。 1 自嘲是“跛脚鸭” 演讲一开始，奥巴马就开启了自嘲模式，说自己是个“跛脚鸭”，说话都没人听了，引得一片笑声，白宫“第一段子手”果然不是浪得虚名。 点击图片观看视频 Hello Chicago. It's good to be home. 你好，芝加哥。回家真好。 We're on live TV here. 我们正在这儿直播呢。

You can tell that I'm a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions. 你们可以感觉到，我现在是只“跛脚鸭”，因为没有人听 我的指示了。 2 观众：再干四年。奥巴马：不行啊 台下观众听得十分起劲儿，齐声高喊“再干四年！再干四年！”奥巴马笑着摆摆手说“不行啊”。 Four more years! Four more years! 再干四年！再干四年！ I can't do that. 我不能这么做啊。 3 感谢妻女，动情落泪 奥巴马在演讲末尾谈到米歇尔和两个女儿时，激动落泪。 来看看奥巴马对妻女的深情告白：

米歇尔·拉沃恩·罗宾逊，我那来自南方的姑娘。 Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud. 米歇尔，在过去25年中，你不仅仅是我的妻子和孩子们的母亲，还是我的挚友。你扮演了一个自己从未寻求过的角色，尽显自己的优雅、坚强、风格和幽默感。你让白宫属于每一个人。因为有你做榜样，新一代年轻人的眼界更开阔。你让我骄傲，你让整个国家骄傲。 Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind

奥巴马告别演讲稿中文翻译

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