城市规划专业英语翻译1
2 THEORY OF URBAN PLANNING
2.1 What is a City?
Most of our housing and city planning has been handicapped because those who have undertaken the work have had no clear notion of the social functions of the city. They sought to derive these functions from a cursory1survey of the activities and interests of the contemporary urban scene. And they did not, apparently, suspect that there might be gross deficiencies, misdirected efforts, mistaken expenditures here that would not be set straight by merely building sanitary tenements or straightening out and widening irregular street..
大多数住房和城市规划的不完满是因为我们已经开展的工作没有清楚的城市功能社会化的概念。他们试图从当代都市景象的活动与利益中的一个粗略的调查来获得这些功能。显然他们没有怀疑这可能有严重的不足，误导努力的方向，在这错误的支出，将不会仅仅直接采用建设卫生的住宅或者整顿和拓宽不规则的道路。
The city as a purely physical fact has been subject to numerous investigations. But what is the city as a social institution? I would like sum up the sociological concept of the city in the following terms:
城市作为一个纯粹的物理事实一直受到众多调查。但是，城市作为一种社会制度是什么？我想在以下方面总结城市的社会学概念：
The city is a related collection of primary groups and purposive associations: the
first, like family and neighborhood, are common to all communities2, while the second are especially characteristic of city life. These varied groups support themselves through economic organizations that are likewise of a more or less corporate, or at least publicly regulated; and they are all housed in permanent structures, within a relatively limited area. The essential physical means of a city’s existence are the fixed site, the durable shelter, the permanent facilities for assembly, interchange, and storage; the essential social means are the social division of labor, which serves not merely the economic life but the cultural processes. The city in its complete sense, then, is a geographic plexus, an economic organization, an institutional process, a theater of social action, and an aesthetic3symbol of collective unity. The city fosters art and is art; the city creates the theater, that man’s more purposive activities are focused, and work out, through conflicting and cooperating personalities, events, groups, into more significant culminations.
城市是主要群体和立意团体的相关集合：第一，像家人和邻里一样适用于所有社区，而第二，尤其是城市生活的特点。这些不同的团体通过差不多同样的企业或者至少是公开监管的经济组织来支撑他们自己，并且他们都坐落于一个相对有限区域内的永久性建筑物中。固定的场地是一个城市存在必不可少的物理手段，经久耐用的收容所，永久设施的组装，交换和存储，社会的基本手段是社会劳动分工，不仅是提供经济上的生活，而且要有文化的过程。那么，完整意义上的城市是一个地理丛，一个经济组织，一个制度进程，一个社会行为的剧院和一个团结集体的审美符号。城市促进和形成了艺术，城市创建了剧院，那是人类更有目的的活动焦点，并且通过争论和合作的人，事，团体来得出更重要的成就。
Without the social drama that comes into existence through the focusing and intensification of group activity there is not a single function performed in the city that could not be performed－and has not in fact been performed－in the open country. The physical organization of the city may deflate4this drama or make it frustrate; or it may, through the deliberate efforts of art, politics, and education, make the drama more richly significant, as a stage-set, well-designed, intensifies and underlines the gestures for nothing that men have dwelt so often on the beauty or the ugliness of cities: these attr ibutes qualify men’s social activities. And if there is a deep reluctance on the part of the true city dweller to leave his cramped quarters for the physically more benign5environment of a suburb－even a model garden suburb!－his instincts are usually justified: in its very opportunities for social disharmony and conflict, the city creates drama; the suburb lacks it.
没有通过聚焦和集约化的组团活动来使社会剧的存在，在城市中这不是一个单独功能的进行，那是在开放的国家无法执行的，而事实上也并没有执行。城市的物理组织可能使这部剧没有锐气或使其挫败，也可能通过刻意在艺术、政治、教育上的努力，来作为一个精心设计的舞台，使这个剧有更加丰富的意义，加剧并强调着人类常常居住在美丽或是丑陋的城市的这种毫无意义的示意：这些属性符合人类的社会活动。并且如果一部分真正的城市居民极不愿意离开自己的狭窄住处去物理环境更加良好的郊区或是一个公园式的郊区-他的直觉通常是合理的：在这碰到社会的不和谐和斗争的机会很多，城市导演了这场戏;郊区却是没有的。
One may describe the city, in its social aspect, as a special framework directed
toward the creation of differentiated opportunities for a common life and a significant collective drama. As indirect forms of association, with the aid of signs and symbols and specialized organizations, supplement direct face-to-face intercourse, the personalities of the citizens themselves become many-faceted：they reflect their specialized interests, their more intensively trained aptitudes, their finer discriminations6and selections: the personality no longer presents a more or less unbroken traditional face to reality as a whole. Here lies the possibility of personal disintegration7; and here lies the need for reintegration through wider participation in a concrete and visible collective whole. What men cannot imagine as a vague formless society, they can live through and experience as citizens in a city. Their unified plans and buildings become a symbol of their social relatedness; and when the physical environment itself becomes disordered and incoherent8, the social functions that it harbors become more difficult to express.
在社会方面可以这样描绘城市，作为一个特殊的指导体系去为一个共同的生活和一个重要的集体剧去创造差异化的机会。有标志和符号的援助以及专门组织作为间接形式的协会，补充了直接面对面的交流，市民自己的个性变得很多样：他们反映自己的特殊爱好，他们更集中地锻炼了天赋，他们指出了区别和选择：在现实面前个性作为一个整体几乎不再呈现出不间断的传统了。这里的个体可能解散，并且这里需要通过更广泛地参与一个具体可见的整个集体来再整合。什么人无法想象一个模糊的无形的社会，他们可以生活和体会在城市中作为一个公民。他们的统一规划和建筑成为一种社会关联的象征，当物理环境本身变得无序和混乱时，它怀有的社会功能将变得更加难以表达。
One further conclusion follows from this concept of the city: social facts are primary, and the physical organization of a city, its industries and its markets, its lines of communication and traffic, must be subservient9to its social needs. Whereas in the development of the city during the last century we expanded the physical plant recklessly and treated the essential social nucleus, the organs of government and education and social service, as mere afterthought, today we must treat the social nucleus as the essential element in every valid city plan: the spotting and inter-relationship of schools, libraries, theaters, community centers is the first task in defining the urban neighborhood and laying down the outlines of an integrated city.
一个从城市概念中进一步得出的结论如下：社会真实是主要的，并且是一个城市的物理组织，其行业和市场，通信的线路和交通，都必须屈从于它的社会需求。然而在上个世纪城市的发展里，我们的扩大了物理设施并且处理了必要的社会核心，而政府和教育及社会服务机构，仅仅作为可有可无的东西，今天我们必须把社会核心的基本要素运用在每一个有效的城市规划上：发现学校，图书馆，影剧院和社区中心的相互关系是在确定城市地区，划定一个的综合性城市轮廓的第一位任务。
2. 2 Urban and Region城市和地区
The character of urban environments is the outcome of the interplay of a host of private and public interests operating at a variety of geographical scales. In order to understand the geography of towns and cities, therefore, it is necessary to look both within and beyond the settlement, and to examine the complex of factors involved in urban changes at all levels of the global-local continuum. Although the factors and processes involved in urban development are not confined to any discrete level of the global-local spectrum, the concept of “level of the analysis” offers a useful organizing framework which simplifies the complexity of the real world and illustrates some of the issues of concern to urban planning at different spatial scales. We can identify five main levels of analyses.
城市环境的特点是指在多种地域范围内运营的一些私人和公共利益相互作用的结果。因此，为了了解城镇和城市的地理，有必要考查其所处地区内外的环境，并且调查各种因素的复杂性，这些因素是涉及到全球各地连续各级城市变化的。虽然涉及到城市发展的因素和过程并不只限于全球局部范围的任何不相关等级，但是“分析等级”的概念提供了一个有用的组织框架，从而简化了复杂的真实世界，并说明在不同的空间尺度的城市规划所关注的一些问题。我们可以找出五个主要级别的分析。
The Neighborhood邻里
The neighborhood is the area immediately around one’s home; it usually displays some homogeneity in terms of housing type, ethnicity or socio-cultural values. Neighborhoods may offer a locus for the formation of shared interests and development of community solidarity. Issues of relevance to the urban planner at this level include the processes of local economic decline or revitalization, residential segregation, levels of service provision and the use of neighborhood political organizations as part of the popular struggle to control urban space.
邻里是直接围绕在你家周围的区域，它通常在住房类型、种族或社会文化价值观方面显示一些同质性。邻里可能会为共同利益的形成和社区团结的发展提供一个轨迹。对于在这个级别的城市规划师，相关的问题还包括当地经济衰退或复苏、居住隔离、提供服务水平的过程和邻里政治组织的利用，作为人民斗争以控制城市空间的一部分。
The City城市
Cities are centers of economic production and consumption, arenas of social networks and cultural activities, and the seat of government and administration. Urban planners examine the role of a city in the regional, national and international economy, and how the city’s soci o-spatial form is conditioned by its role (for example, as a financial center or manufacturing base). Study of the distribution of power in the city would focus on the behavior and biases of formal organizations as well as the informal arrangements by which public and private interests operate to influence government decision. The differential socio-spatial distribution of benefits and disbenefits in the city is also an important area of investigation in urban planning.
城市是经济生产和消耗的中心，社交网络和文化活动的竞技场，也是政府和
管理的所在地。城市规划师调查一个城市在地区、国家与国际经济中的角色以及城市的社会空间形式怎样受制于其角色（比如作为一个金融中心或者生产基地）。城市中权力分配的研究将关注于正规的组织的行为和偏差以及公共和私人利益非正式的磋商操作影响政府决策。城市中有益和无益的城市空间分配差别也是城市规划中一项重要的调查领域。
The Region区域
The spread of urban influence into surrounding rural areas and, in particular, the spatial expansion of cities have introduced concepts such as urban region, metropolis, conurbation10and megalopolis11into urban planning. Issues appropriate to this level of analyses include the ecological footprint12of the city, land-use conflict on the urban fringe, growth management strategies and forms of metropolitan governance.
城市影响周围农村地区的传播，尤其是城市空间扩展被引入类似城市地区、大都市、集合城市、特大城市到城市规划的概念对于这种级别的分析，问题适当的包括了城市的生态足迹、城市边缘土地利用的冲突、发展管理策略和大都市管理的形式。
The actual rate and amount of a city’s growth depends on the size of its economic base. A city’s economic base13consists of those economic functions that involve the manufacture, processing, or trading of goods or the provision of services for markets beyond the city itself. Activities that provide income-generating ‘exports’
for a city are termed basic functions14. In contrast, non-basic functions15are those that cater to the city’s own population and so do not generate profit from ‘outside’ customers. Examples of non-basic activities include local newspapers, local bakeries and restaurants, schools and local government.
一个城市发展的实际速度和数量取决于其经济基础的规模。一个城市的经济基础是由那些涉及产品制造、加工或交易或者为城市本身以外的市场提供服务水平的经济功能组成。为城市提供增收的活动叫做基础功能。相反地，非基础功能就是那些服务于城市自身群体，不从外部城市中产生利润的活动。非基础活动的例子包括当地报纸，当地的面包店和餐馆、学校和当地政府。
The fundamental determinant of cities’ growth i n population, employment, and income in the world’s core countries is the percentage of their economies that is devoted to basic activities. The prosperity generated by basic economic activities leads to increased employment in non-basic activities in order to satisfy the demand for housing, utilities, retailing, personal services, and other services. The incomes generated by the combination of basic and non-basic economic activities allow for higher potential tax yields, which can be used to improve public utilities, roads, schools, health services, recreational amenities, and other infrastructure improvements. These activities are also non-basic, but they all serve to improve the efficiency and attractiveness of the city for further rounds of investment in basic economic activities.
在世界核心国家中城市人口增长、就业和收入的基本决定因素在于其致力于基本活动的经济百分比。由基本经济活动产生的繁荣将增加非基本活动中为了满足住房需求、公用事业公司、零售、个人服务和其他服务的就业。由基本活动和
非基本经济活动的结合产生的收入估计有更高的潜在的税收收益，可以用来改善公共设施、道路、学校、医疗服务、休闲娱乐设施和其他基础设施的提高。这些活动也是非基本活动，但他们都有助于提高城市的效率和吸引力，为进一步基本经济活动提供循环投资。
How Regional Economic Cores are Created?区域经济核心是怎样产生的？
Regional cores of economic development are created cumulatively, following some initial advantage, through the operation of several of the basic principles of economic geography that we have described. These principles center on external economies16, or agglomeration effects17, that are associated with various kinds of economic linkages and interdependencies. The trigger for these agglomeration effects can be any kind of economic development—the establishment of a trading port, or the growth of a local industry or any large-scale enterprise. The external economies and economic linkages generated by such developments represent the initial advantage that tends to stimulate a self-propelling process of local economic development.
区域经济发展的核心是累积地，根据一些最初的优势，通过经营我们所描述的经济地理一些基本原则而创造的。这些原则集中在在外部经济，或聚集效应，引起各种各样的经济联系和相互依赖关系。引发这些集聚效应可以是任何类型的经济发展----建立一个贸易港口，或者一个当地的产业的增长或任何大规模的企业。外部经济和经济联系所产生的这种发展代表了最初的优势，往往会刺激当地经济发展过程的自我推进。
Given the location of a new economic activity in an area, a number of interrelated effects come into play. Backward linkages develop as new firms arrive to
provide the growing industry with components, supplies, specialized services, or facilities. Forward linkages develop as new firms arrive to take the finished products of the growing industry and use them as inputs to their own processing, assembly, finishing, packaging, or distribution operations. Together with the initial growth, the growth in these linked industries helps to create a threshold of activity large enough to attract ancillary industries and activities (maintenance and repair, recycling, security, and business services, for example).
考虑到在一个地区一个新的经济活动的位置，许多相关的效应开始起作用。新公司发展后向联系到与组件提供增长的行业，供应专业服务或设施。新公司的前向关联发展到以产品不断增长的工业和使用它们作为输入自己的加工、配装、涂装、包装、或分销业务。联同最初的成长，这些链接产业的发展有助于创建一个极限（临界值）足够大的活动来吸引辅助行业和活动（例如维护和修理、回收、安全、和商业服务）。
The existence of these interrelated activities establishes a pool of specialized labor with the kinds of skills and experience that make the area attractive to still more firms. Meanwhile, the linkages between all these firms help to promote interaction between professional and technical personnel, and allow for the area to support R & D (research and development) facilities, research institutes, and so on, thus increasing the likelihood of local inventions and innovations that might further stimulate local economic development.
存在这些相互关联的活动建立许多专业劳动与类型的技能和经验，使该地区吸引更多的公司。与此同时，这些公司之间的联系，有助于促进专业技术人员之间的互动，并允许该地区支持（研究与开发）设施、研究机构等，从而增加了当地的发展与创新的可能性，可能会进一步刺激当地经济发展。
Another part of the spiral of local economic growth is a result of the increase in
population represented by the families of employees. Their presence creates a demand for housing, utilities, physical infrastructure, retailing, personal services, and so on—all of which generated additional jobs. This expansion, in turn, helps to create populations large enough to attract an even wider variety and more sophisticated kinds of services and amenities. Last—but by no means least—the overall growth in local employment creates a larger local tax base. The local government can then provide improved public utilities, roads, schools, health services, recreational amenities, and so on, all which serve to intensify agglomeration economies and so enhance the competitiveness of the area in being able to attract further rounds of investment.
另一部分的当地经济增长的螺旋是由于人口的增长为代表的家庭的员工。他们的出现创造了一个住房需求、公用事业、基础设施、零售、个人服务，所以在所有的额外的工作产生。这种扩张反过来有助于创建数量大到足以吸引一个更广泛和更复杂的类型的服务和设施。最后，但绝非至少在当地就业的整体增长创造了一个更大的地方税收。当地政府可以提供改善公共设施、道路、学校、医疗服务、休闲娱乐设施等，都为加强聚集经济，因此提高竞争力的区域能够吸引进一步轮投资。
2. 3 What is Planning Theory?什么是规划理论
Planning theory is an elusive18subject of study. It draws on a variety of disciplines and has no widely accepted canon.
规划理论的研究是一个难以琢摩的主题。它借鉴了多种学科，仍然没有普适标准。
We see the central question of planning theory as the following: What role can planning play in developing the city and region within the constraints of a capitalist political economy and a democratic political system? The emphasis is not on developing a model planning process but rather on finding an explanation for
planning practice based on analyses of the respective political economies. Our effort is to determine the historical and contextual influences and strategic opportunities that shape the capacity of planners to affect the urban and regional environment.
我们看到规划理论的中心问题如下：规划在开发受资本政治经济和民主政治体系约束的城市中充当了什么样的角色。重点不在于开发一个模型规划过程，而在于找到一个解释说明规划实践是基于对各自的政治经济分析的基础上的。我们的工作是确定历史文本的影响和战略机遇，塑造规划师的能力来影响城市和地区的环境。
What is Planning Theory?什么是规划理论
It is not easy to define planning theory; the subject is slippery, and explanations are often frustratingly tautological or disappointingly pedestrian19. There are four principal reasons for this difficulty. First, many of the fundamental questions concerning planning belong to a much broader inquiry concerning the role of the state in social and social transformation. Consequently, planning theory appears to overlap with theory, in all the social science disciplines, and it becomes hard to limit its scope or to stake out a turf（地盘、势力范围）specific to planning. Second, the boundary between planners and related professionals (such as real estate developers, architects, city council members) is not mutually exclusive（相互排斥的;互不相容的）; planners don’t just plan, and nonplanners also plan. Third, the field of planning is divided into those who define it according to its object (land-use patterns of the built and natural environments) and those who do so by its method (the process of decision making). Finally, many fields are defined by a specific set of methodologies. Yet planning
commonly borrows the diverse methodologies from many different fields, and so its theoretical base cannot easily be drawn from its tools of analysis. Taken together, this considerable disagreement over the scope and function of planning and the problems of defining who is actually a planner obscure the delineation of an appropriate body of planning theory. Whereas most scholars can agree on what constitutes the economy and the polity and thus what is economic or political theory—they differ as to the content of planning theory.
不太容易定义规划理论：这门学科是棘手的，解释通常是令人沮丧的同义反复或者是令人失望的平庸无味。关于这个困难这有四个主要原因。第一，许多关于规划的基本问题属于一个更广泛的关于国家在社会和社会转型中角色的调查。因此，规划理论似乎与理论重叠，在所有的社会科学学科中，它变得很难限制其范围或者坚持地盘特定规划。第二，规划师和相关专业人员（比如房地产开发商，建筑师，市政府成员）的界限并不相互排斥；规划师不仅规划，非规划师也规划。第三，规划的领域被分为那些根据它的对象来定义（土地利用模式的建筑和自然环境）和那些根据它的方法（决策的过程）。最终，许多领域都有一组方法来定义，然而，规划通常借用了来自不同领域的不同方法论，因此它的理论基础不可能简单的通过分析方法来提取。综上所述，在规划范围和功能上的相当大的分歧和定义谁实际上是一个规划师模糊界定一个规划理论的适当的主体问题？而大多数学者能就什么构成了经济和政体达成一致意见，因此什么是经济或政治理论——他们区别于规划理论的内容。
The amorphous20quality of planning theory means that practitioners largely disregard it. In this respect planning resembles other academic disciplines. Most politicians do not bother with political theory; business-people generally do not familiarize themselves with econometrics; and many community organizers do not
concern themselves with social theory. Planning as a practical field of endeavor, however, differs from other activities in its claim to be able to predict the consequences of its actions. Planners need to generalize from prior experience if they are to practice their craft. In their day-to-day work planners may rely more on intuition21than explicit theory; yet this intuition may in fact be assimilated theory. In this light, theory represents cumulative professional knowledge. Though many practicing planners may look upon the planning theory of their graduate education as inert and irrelevant—and see in their professional work a kind of homespun, in-the-trenches pragmatism—theory allows one to see the conditions of this “pragmatism”. Just as Keynes22warned of being an unwitting slave to the ideas of a defunct economist, we believe that it is also possible to be a slave to the ideas of a defunct planning theorist.
规划理论不成形的质量意味着从业者在很大程度上忽视它。在这方面规划类似其它学术科目。大多数政治家并不理会政治理论：商业人士一般不熟悉计量经济法；许多社区组织者并不关心社会理论。然而，规划作为一个实际努力的领域，它不同于其它活动能够声称可以预测其行为的后果。规划者如果要练习他们的工艺就需要概括总结先前的经验。在他们日常工作中，规划者可能要更多的依赖直觉而不是明确的理论；然而这个直觉可能实际上是被同化了的理论。在这种情况下，理论代表累积的专业知识。尽管许多工作的规划者可能是研究生教育的规划理论看做呆板的和不相关的，以及看到在其专业工作一种朴素的，快节奏的实用主义理论来允许一个人看到了这个“实用主义”的条件。正如凯恩斯警告作为一个不知情的奴隶思想的一个已故经济学家，我们相信，它也可能是一个奴隶的思想一个规划理论家
We do not envision completely eliminating the gap between theory and practice: doing so would deny the power of each. Often decried, this gap can structure a powerful creative tension between the two. Nevertheless, we do believe that theory can inform practice. Planning theory is not just some idle chattering at the margins of the field. If done poorly, it discourages and stifles: but if done well, it defines the field and drives it forward. We address themselves to the questions planners must ask if they are to be effective, and we include case studies of planning in action with this purpose in mind.
我们不想完全消除理论与实践之间的差距:这样做将会否认各自的力量。经常被描述为，这两者之间的差距可以构建一个强大的创造性张力。然而，我们相信理论可以指导实践。规划理论不是一些闲置的喋喋不休的边缘领域。如果做得不好，它阻碍和扼杀但如果做得好，它明确了领域，并推动它向前。我们致力于规划的问题要问他们是否是有效的，我们有这个目的的行动规划的案例研究。
Beyond this intention, we aim to establish a theoretical foundation that provides not only a field with a common structure for scientific inquiry but also a means for defining what planning is—especially in the intimidating company of more established academic disciplines. Theory allows for both professional and intellectual self-reflection. It tries to make sense of the seemingly unrelated, contradictory aspects of urban development and creates a rational system with which to compare and evaluate the merits of different planning ideas and strategies. It also allows planners to translate their specific issues into the language of more general social scientific theory so that planning may interchange ideas with other disciplines.
除了这个目的，我们的目标是建立一个理论基础，它不仅提供了一场科学探究的一个共同的领域也意味着定义了什么是规划，特别是在更成熟的学科领域。理论
允许专业知识的自我反思。它试图弄清楚看似不相关的，矛盾的城市发展的各方面，并建立一个合理的制度，以比较和评估不同的规划思路和策略的优劣。它也允许规划者将他们的具体问题翻译成一般的社会科学理论语言以至于规划可以与其他学科交流。
A well-developed theoretical foundation serves as a declaration of scholarly autonomy, often institutionalized in the form of a planning theory requirement for master’s degree programs and professional certification in city planning. The relatively: recent expansion of Ph.D. programs in planning goes hand in hand with the rise of planning theory. Such programs are used not only to increase research in planning departments: they also reflect the ability to develop the discipline’s own theoretical foundations. A Ph.D. program also uses theory to distinguish and elevate itself from its larger counterpart, the professional master’s program.
一个成熟的理论基础作为一个学术自主申报制度化，经常在一个硕士学位项目和城市规划专业认证规划理论要求的形式中进行。比较：在规划博士项目最近扩展齐头并进的规划理论的兴起。这种方案不仅被用来增加规划部门研究：他们也反映出学科自身的理论基础的能力。一个博士方案还通过理论去区别和提升自身较大的对口专业硕士课程。
Our Approach to Planning Theory规划理论的方法
Our approach is to place planning theory at the intersection of political economy and intellectual history. We do not see it, however, as mechanistically determined by these two forces. Those who misuse structural theory will inevitably fall victim to a sense of helplessness in the face of predestined social forces. Instead, the planner should use theory to consider how the local and national political economy, in addition to the field’s own history, t ogether influence the collective imagination of the
discipline’s possibilities, limitations, and professional identity. The challenge for this professional—and sometimes activist—discipline is to find the negotiating room within the larger social structure to pursue the good city.
我们的方法是将规划理论放置在政治经济和思想史的交叉口之中。然而，我们并不把它看做是机械地取决于这两股力量的。那些滥用结构理论的人将不可避免地陷入一种无助当面对注定的社会力量时。相反，规划师应该用理论来考虑地方和国家政治经济领域，除了领域自身的历史，学科可能性的共同影响，限制的集体想象，和职业身份。本专业的和许多活动家学科面临的挑战是找到更大社会结构中的领域去追求良好的城市。
We also place planning theory at a second intersection: that of the city as a phenomenon and planning as a human activity. Planning adapts to changes in the city, which in turn is transformed by planning and politics. This interaction is not a closed system. Planners not only plan cities; they also negotiate, forecast, research, survey, and organize financing. Nor do planners have an exclusive influence over cities; developers, businesses, politicians, and other actors also shape urban development. The result is that the discipline of planning is influenced by a wide variety of substantive and procedural ideas beyond its own modest disciplinary boundaries. Studies of planning refer to works in political science, law, decision theory, and public policy.
我们还将面临规划理论的第二个相交：这个城市作为一种现象和规划作为一种人类活动。规划适应着城市中的变化，反过来，城市又通过规划和政策而转变。这种相互作用不是一个封闭的系统。规划师，不仅规划城市;他们还洽谈，预测，研究，调查，并组织融资。规划者也不是唯一对城市产生影响的人，开发商，企业，政治家，和其他演员也塑造城市发展。其结果是，规划学科受到了各种各样
的实质性和程序性想法的影响，这些想法超越了自身微薄的学科界限。规划研究是指在政治学，法学，决策理论和公共政策中的工作。