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SPEECH BY THE RT HON TONY BLAIR MP TO THE WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM, DAVOS
27 JANUARY 2007
EMBARGOED UNTIL 1600
Despite the multiple challenges we face in the world today, I am optimistic. Mind you, in my job, you have to be. It is true that each of the three issues -world trade, climate change, Africa -that have dominated Davos, hangs in the balance. But on each, there is progress that would have been unimaginable even a short time back. Let me briefly state where I think we are on each issue and then give a broader context for my optimism; and end with an analysis of what we have to do.
On the WTO, within the past few days I have held discussions with President Bush, President Lula and Chancellor Merkel. We had a great discussion with trade Ministers under Pascal Lamy's expert eye yesterday. "Cautious optimism" was how it was described. I think it is now more likely that not, though by no means certain, that we will reach a deal within the next few months. Countries are moving closer together; there is a recognition of political energy and drive; and an increased recognition of the dire consequences of failure.
A trade deal would be a big boost to the notion of multilateralism; help the world's poorest escape their poverty; and achieve an impact on overall trade and business, three times the amount of the last trade round. This is a critical priority for me in the coming period and that determination, I am pleased to say, is shared by the other major players in the negotiation.
Of course Africa would be a central beneficiary of such a deal. It is sometimes too easy to be pessimistic about Africa. But just think of what progress there has been. HIV/AIDs treatment now being given to 1.6 million. $100 billion of debt wiped out, enabling countries like Tanzania to transform primary education. Fifty democratic elections in Africa in the last five years. And six major wars have ended. We made commitments, not least on aid at the Gleneagles G8 Summit in July 2005. We must honour them. We will have the first meeting of the Africa Progress Panel which will monitor our commitments under Kofi Annan's leadership in Berlin later this year.
The other topic at the top of the Gleneagles agenda was climate change.
Kyoto was an extraordinary achievement, over 100 countries coming to an agreement with profound implications for their future economic growth. But in reality, even if implemented -and Britain is one of the few nations that will hit, indeed exceed our Kyoto targets -it would only stabilise emissions. In truth, we need them cut, probably by an order of 60 per cent by 2050 -something we have now set as a UK domestic target.
Moreover, whatever we do -Britain accounts for around 2 per cent of total emissions -any agreement that does not have binding commitments from America, China and India is not one that can deliver. If Britain shut down our emissions entirely ie we closed down the country, the growth in China's emissions would make up the difference within just two years. Without the biggest economies
being part of a framework to reduce carbon dependence, we have no earthly hope of success.
Fortunately I believe we are, potentially, on the verge of a breakthrough. Chancellor Merkel is providing excellent G8 leadership. China and India are participating constructively in the G8 + 5 process Gleneagles established. They know that they will suffer if the environment degrades further. They have every imperative to be part of a deal, provided it is one that allows them to grow their economies so that they can spread the prosperity they are creating to the millions in those countries still in poverty.
And the mood in the US is in the process of a quantum shift. The President's State of the Union address built on his "addiction to oil" speech last year and set the first US targets for a reduction in petrol consumption.
Many individual American states -notably California, with whose Governor I signed a bilateral agreement on this subject last year -are setting targets for reducing emissions and taking far-reaching action to achieve them. American businesses -including many of their major power companies -have become advocates of a binding cap and trade system.
The German G8 Presidency gives us an opportunity to agree at least the principles of a new binding international agreement to come into effect when the Kyoto Protocol expires in 2012; but one which is more radical than Kyoto and more comprehensive, one which this time, includes all the major countries of the world. It is a prize of tantalising significance and I think it is possible.
So across all three issues, there are signs of hope. But this is part of a bigger shift in the politics of the global community. It is in this shift that the real possibilities of progress lie.
What is really happening is that nations -even the most great -are realising that they cannot pursue their narrow national interests without invoking broader global values. They are obliged to recognise that interdependence is the defining characteristic of the early 21st century world.
These three topics which have dominated Davos in 2007 are all global in their impact, their political relevance and in their prospective solutions.The Shifting Power Equation, the title of Davos this year, is in part, obviously, about emerging new powers; but it is equally about the fact that power over global issues can only be effectively wielded today by global alliances, based on global values.
There is also the curious mix of moral cause and strategic interest. We know we have a clear interest in combating climate change; but we feel it too, as a moral duty to successive generations as well as our own.
Business is here in Davos not simply to talk about commerce, industrial trends, competitive challenges, but also about its role in tackling the great issues of the day. It has moved way beyond traditional notions of corporate responsibility. Business believes that it, too, has a strategic interest in the moral cause.
The world today is in a kind of perpetual global conversation. Campaigns are begun and intensified almost instantly. Tragedy or injustice, like war, leaps into our living rooms, assaulting our senses, bringing us to a judgement on events that may be thousands of miles away but of which we feel a part.
This can happen in a malign way, as when an atavistic terrorist ideology uses the internet to recruit or proselytise; or in a benign way, as the magnificent Live Aid showed in awakening the conscience of the world over Africa.
Either way, it is a reality and it has a profound impact.
Individuals become part of mass movements for change and action. Political leaders find that the time quotient between foreign and domestic affairs alters dramatically. Business gets involved in politics, not as partisans of a political party, but as important actors in global debate.
Above all, nations find that they need to confront and deal with challenges that simply do not admit of resolution without powerful alliances of other nations. And every nation, even the most powerful, is obliged to find such alliances or find their own interests buffeted and diminished.
That is why we call it interdependence. It is the ultimate joining together of self-interest and community interest. Afghanistan was a failed state, its people living in misery and poverty but in days gone by it would have stayed that way without the world much noticing. September 11th brought it to our notice in the most unforeseen but catastrophic way. Look how the world has changed because of it. We know Africa’s plight is shameful in a world of plenty. But I have never shrunk from confessing another motive. I believe if we let Somalia or Sudan slip further into the abyss, the effect of their fall will not stay within their region never mind their nation. I will argue for the presence of peace in Palestine on its own terms; but there is no question that its absence has consequences on the streets of cities in Britain amongst people who have never been near Gaza or the West Bank.
And, of course, there is climate change. Assume even a possibility of its threat being real. It would be madness not to act to prevent its realisation –just as a precaution. Its challenge is the supreme expression of interdependence. America and China, even if they had no other reason for a relationship and they have many, would need one simply for this alone.
To this add economic globalisation, which offers, in general, such immense opportunity but whose effects, in particular, can be random and savage.
So just take these three issues: climate change; Africa and world trade. Work out what is at stake: the future of the planet; the death or life of millions of people every year; the ability to spread the life chances of globalisation, the single greatest economic engine of our time, more evenly.
Consider what is at stake in these issues. Then consider how hard we have found it to put the right alliances in place; reach agreement; and take the appropriate measures to get the job done.
This is my major reflection on 10 years of trying to meet these challenges, 10 years in which, as a deliberate policy, Britain has been at the forefront, for better or worse, of each of these major global issues.
Interdependence is an accepted fact. It is giving rise to a great yearning for a sense of global purpose, underpinned by global values, to overcome challenges, global in nature.
But we are woefully short of the instruments to make multilateral action effective. We acknowledge the interdependent reality. We can sketch the purpose and describe the values. What we lack is capacity, capability, the concerted means to act.
We need a multilateralism that is muscular. Instead, too often, it is disjointed, imbued with the right ideas but the wrong or inadequate methods of achieving them.
None of this should make us underestimate what has been done. But there is too often a yawning gap between our description of an issue’s importance and the matching capability to determine it.
In this regard, there is often an easy and lazy critique that puts this down to an absence of political will. In my experience there is, usually, not a problem of political will. By and large its there. It is translating that will into action that is the problem. Why? Because it requires focus, time, energy and commitment and though individual leaders and nations can provide those qualities intermittently, sustaining them over time, with all the other pressures is just practically impossible.
Global purpose, underpinned by global values requires global instruments of effective multilateral action.
A UNSC without Germany, Japan, Brazil or India, to say nothing of any African or Muslim nation, will, in time, not merely lose legitimacy in the eyes of the world, but seriously inhibit effective action. By all means let us have some form of bridging mechanism –perhaps semi-permanent status without a veto –to a reformed Council; but get it done. Likewise with reform within the UN –greater power to the Secretary General, merging agencies, one UN organisation in-country. But reform now has to happen.
There is a powerful case for merging the IMF and World Bank and for increasing the influence of the developing countries within them.
The G8 is already well on its way to metamorphosis into G8 +5. At G8 +5, it can be a forum for agreement between the most powerful nations with a true modern global reach.
But sooner or later, the metamorphosis should be complete.
We need to make the regional blocs more effective.
I strongly believe in changing the rules of the EU to build efficacy in Europe's power. The EU at 27 cannot operate within the system used for an EU of 15 countries.
It would hugely help the cause of Africa if the AU became a strongly and cohesive voice and instrument of Africa's interests.
However, this is not just about Governmental institutions.
Into the void between identifying an issue's importance and securing the means of acting on it, has increasingly stepped the non-governmental and non-state actors. The resource of the Gates Foundation is being put to the eradication of Malaria –a preventable disease which kills one million a year. The Grameen Bank, founded by Mohammed Yunus has pioneered micro-credit projects which now have over 80 million recipients, the majority of them women.
It is a partnership between Governments, private markets, NGOs and faith groups that is providing immunisation that will save five million children's lives and those of a further five million adults.
The agenda on climate change is increasingly being set by coalitions of business, most recently the group of US companies calling for tougher action but also setting out practical ways of doing it.
All of this is great, ground-breaking work. But in a sense it is laying bare the paucity of the instruments to effect change, which we have at our disposal.
In 1999 in Chicago I called for a doctrine of international community, in which we accept that a modern foreign policy cannot work except on the basis of shared common values. These values gave us not just a right but a duty to act in order to protect people at risk. I meant it in the context of Kosovo and ethnic cleansing. But of course its application goes far wider.
The common theme that runs through such apparently disparate issues like the struggle against terrorism or poverty in Africa is that both require active measures of intervention. Indeed the very consequence of interdependence is the necessity to intervene, in coalition with others, in order to prevent danger or injustice that may originate outside our borders but ultimately will affect us within them.
So, today, we see the establishment of a proper democratic state of Palestine as benefiting not just the people of Palestine and Israel but the wider Middle East and the world. We know, too, that if Central Africa is given over to conflict it will at some stage be a global threat. Likewise if Iraq or Afghanistan falls back into failed states exporting violence, we will suffer the impact.
But we know also that none of these desirable objectives will occur without our active intervention.
We are familiar with military intervention; the path of aid and development is well trodden. But the concept of nation-building -by which I mean the construction of the capacity for effective self-government within a country -is still in its infancy. The proper infrastructure of government -functioning commercial and legal systems, health and education ministries that can actually administer, economic authorities that have real authority; police and military that perform the tasks they should under proper rules of governance: these things often seem less exciting and motivating than direct intervention to cure disease or alleviate poverty, but in reality they are the life blood of true progress for nations struggling to be nations. Aid for trade is at least as important as any other part of the world trade deal. Why? Because it builds capacity.
There is a whole new dimension to international intervention that needs development. It is in building capacity that the fate of Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan or any of poorest or war-ravaged African nations will obtain their salvation. Everything else -worthy and essential though it is -fails unless the systems of self-government and therefore self-help are brought into being.
These are new skills the international community must develop.
There is a further element to it. We need proper, well-constructed means of conflict resolution and peace-keeping. What is happening in Darfur today is a
scandal; not a problem, a scandal. Hundreds of thousands die or live lives of unbelievable risk and misery because we cannot assemble a proper peace agreement, properly enforced, with the full weight of the international community behind it. I know there are a host of political reasons that are colliding with our good intent. But the real problem, again, is the absence of a sustained international focus, with the capacity to keep at it, report back credibly and trigger action, if nothing happens.
Not all of this requires us to go back to traditional institutions of international governance like the United Nations. Non-state actors can play a role here too. But the point is very simple: if we are to intervene successfully, we have to have the capability to do so.
Therefore a key and new part of our international dialogue must now be strengthening the instruments and institutions, those between governments but also those within broader civic society, that can build capacity. We need new networks, new relationships between countries and between people which mobilise the practical means of bringing change into being.
There is an urgency here. What is remarkable about Davos this year -and this has been true for some years now -is the degree of consensus around a values-based international agenda. It is what makes me optimistic. There is a true sense of global responsibility.
But ours is not the only narrative competing for the world's attention. There is another. It may be -is -based on a total perversion of Islam; but it has shown
itself capable of playing cleverly on the injustice, poverty and alienation felt by many whose lifestyles are a world away from ours. We believe we are doing our best to confront the world's problems and to lift the scourge from the backs of so many millions whose lives are blighted. But this counter-ideology mocks our efforts, disputes our motives, turns our good faith into bad.
And there is yet another narrative. In 20 years, or sooner, there will be new powers, new constellations of authority, with strong intentions and powerful means of advancing them. What values will govern that new world? Will they be global values, commonly shared or will the world revert to spheres of interest, to competing power-plays in which the lesser or struggling nations are the victims?
If the narrative we believe in -a world of tolerance, freedom, openness and justice for all -is to be credible, it has to be effective. The best answer to fear is always hope. But hope requires belief. And belief comes only from words turned into deeds. So take these issues: Africa, climate change, world trade.
Imagine over the coming months the world agrees and over the coming years, it acts. Think how attractive our story of the world's progress would be. Then think
of failure and who will weep and who will rejoice. Think of all of this. Then let us agree. Then let us act.
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二、这些经历对我帮助很大：1、学英文。 我的英语不是正规教育出来，是聊天聊出来的。 我们家是没有人懂英文。 我每天早上骑自行车在杭州酒店门口，找来旅游的老外练英文，我做免费导游，这样聊了九年。 这九年，我受益最大的不仅是语言，而是了解了不同的东西，了解了西方的一些思考和文化，开拓了视野。 因为其实你学的不是语言，而是文化，学习了解另一个国家跟地区是怎麽发展。 到今天为止，去全世界各地合作的时候，我能明白背后的出发点是什麽。 如果只是透过翻译交流，有时理解起来会很艰辛。 2、当老师。 进师范当了学生会主席，还当了学联主席，学习了怎么理解别人，组织活动。 我分配到大学教书时，当时的校长说，全班就你一个人分配到大学教书，你5年内不许出来。 我答应了。 后来，在学校的日子比较艰辛，因为同样是老师，我的毕业学校最差，大家不太看得起，工资也不够用。 后来深圳有人承诺给我1200块工资、海南愿意出3600块工资。
第七届夏季达沃斯论坛上的致辞
以改革创新驱动中国经济长期持续健康发展 The Chinese Economy: Reform and Innovation for Sustained and Healthy Development ——在第七届夏季达沃斯论坛上的致辞 Speech at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting of the New Champions 2013 2013年9月11日 11 September 2013 尊敬的克劳斯?施瓦布主席先生和夫人， 尊敬的各位贵宾、女士们、先生们、朋友们： Professor Klaus Schwab, Executive Chairman of the World Economic Forum, and Mrs. Schwab, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends, 首先，我代表中国政府对第七届夏季达沃斯论坛的召开表示热烈祝贺！对各位嘉宾的光临表示诚挚欢迎！ Let me begin by extending, on behalf of the Chinese government, hearty congratulations on the opening of the seventh Summer Davos Forum and a warm welcome to all the distinguished guests. 7年前，达沃斯论坛从瑞士的高山之巅来到中国的渤海之滨，我当时正在辽宁工作，亲身参与了论坛的创办，至今历历在目。这些年来，论坛在大连和天津轮流举办，影响越来越大，我感到由衷高兴。本届论坛以“创新：势在必行”为主题，具有很强的引领性和前瞻性。 Seven years ago, when the Davos Forum came from the high mountains in Switzerland to the shore of the Bohai Bay in China, I was working in Liaoning and was personally engaged in the launch of the Forum, and my memories of the event are still vivid today. I am truly happy that the Forum, which has been held in Dalian and Tianjin in rotation since then, is gaining greater influence, and I find the theme of this year’s Forum, “Meeting the Innovation Imperative,” a forward-looking one that points the way to the future. 从2008年9月至今，国际金融危机爆发已整整五年。目前世界经济形势仍错综复杂，发达经济体刚出现一些好转迹象，新兴经济体又面临较大下行压力，可谓一波未平一波又起。受多重因素影响，中国经济增长速度也有所放缓，昨天，我和施瓦布先生一起与部分企业家代表进行了交流，大家对中国经济形势及发展前景等问题十分关心。一段时间以来，国际上对中国经济有不少议论，担心会不会出现一些国家曾遇到的增长过早放缓问题，甚至出现“硬着陆”。我想告诉大家，中国正处在转型升级的关键阶段，当前经济发展的基本面是好的，经济运行总体是平稳的。 Five years have passed since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in September 2008. Yet the world economy still faces a complex situation. Just as developed economies begin to show some signs of improvement, emerging economies are confronted with rather serious downward pressure. As we often say in China, “Hardly has one wave subsided when another wave rises.” Affected by a multiple of factors, economic growth in China has slowed down to some extent. Yesterday, Professor Schwab and I had an exchange of views
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我为什么要来这里。要打算作收购雅虎的准备吗？不，大家都太敏感了。我来这里是因为我累了。过去16年来太累了。我在1994年开创我的事业，发现了互联，并为之疯狂，然后放弃了我的教师工作。那时候我觉得自己就像是蒙了眼睛骑在盲虎背上似的，一路摔摔打打，但依然奋斗着、生存着。在政府机关工作了16个月之后，1999年建立了阿里巴巴。 I came to the United States today is the first 15 days , and I intend to stay here for a year . No one knows this plan . Even my company do not know. You asked me why I came here . To intend to do to prepare for the acquisition of Yahoo No, we are too sensitive. I came here because I'm tired. Over the past 16 years was too tired . In 1994 I created my career, discovered the Internet, and crazy, and then gave up my teaching job . At that time I felt like a Mongolian eyes like riding on the back of the tiger blind , all the way to throw beat fight, but still struggle, survive . Work for the government for 16 months after the 1999 establishment of Ali Baba . 我们还幸运地拥有着淘宝，支付宝，阿里云和集团下其
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世界经济论坛2020年年会
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篇一：最新马云在斯坦福大学演讲中英文对照 以下为马云在斯坦福大学演讲全文： 马云：大家好。我今天感到非常荣幸能来到这里和大家见面。大约几个月前，斯坦福邀请我来演讲。我没有意料到。很多人说因为所有关于雅虎，阿里巴巴，和许多其他的新闻，这个时间点来这里演讲是非常的敏感。但是既然我做了一个承诺，我还是来了。今天如果你有任何问题要问我，我都会一一回答。 the following is the ma at stanford university speech: ma : hello everyone . today i feel very honored to be here to meet you . about a few months ago , stanford invited me to lecture . i did not expect . many people say that because of all about yahoo , alibaba, and many other news, this time to speak here is very sensitive . but since i made a promise that i came. today, if you have any questions to ask me, i will be to answer every qestions. 今天是我来美国的第15天，而且我打算在这里待上一年。这个计划没有人知道。甚至我的公司也不知道。大家问我为什么要来这里。要打算作收购雅虎的准备吗？不，大家都太敏感了。我来这里是因为我累了。过去16年来太累了。我在1994年开创我的事业，发现了互联网，并为之疯狂，然后放弃了我的教师工作。那时候我觉得自己就像是蒙了眼睛骑在盲虎背上似的，一路摔摔打打，但依然奋斗着、生存着。在政府机关工作了16个月之后，1999年建立了阿里巴巴。i came to the united states today is the first 15 days , and i was too tired . in 1994 i created my career, discovered the internet, and crazy, and then gave up my teaching job . at that time i felt like a mongolian eyes like riding on the back of the tiger blind , all the way to throw beat fight, but still struggle, survive . work for the government for 16 months after the 1999 establishment of ali baba . 我们还幸运地拥有着淘宝网，支付宝，阿里云和集团下其他的公司。所以，建立阿里巴巴12年后的今天，我决定需要休息一段时间。尤其今年的挑战实在是太艰辛了，这也是我没有意料到的。中国人说每12年是一个本命年。阿里巴巴今年在中国刚好是第12年，也遇上了许多棘手的问题，好比今年初因为供应商欺诈事件导致首席执行官辞职，还有vie的问题，虽然我到现在仍然不知道什么是vie，以及把淘宝分成四个公司的决策。所以，忙完所有这些事情之后我累了。我告诉自己，为什么不花个一年好好休息。尤其明年是我个人的本命年，肯定会比今年更辛苦。我想要花多一点时间好好准备，迎接明年更艰苦更困难的挑战。我需要好好休息才能为3到4年后的挑战做好准备。这三年如果事情出了错，大家可以批评淘宝，阿里巴巴或阿里云的首席执行官。但是三年后，如果事情出了错，那就是我的错。所以我准备在美国花上一段时间好好思考和放松。前两天，我开始再次练习起高尔夫球，好好放松。所以，来美国的目的真的不像是大家揣测的这么复杂。 particular, this years challenge is too difficult , and this is what i did not expect to . chinese people say that every 12 years is an animal year . alibaba in china this year happens to be the first 12 years, have encountered many difficult issues , such as suppliers of fraud earlier this year because of events leading to the resignation of wealthy father , nor very powerful uncles , do not want to have thechance of success. i remember in 1999 came to silicon valley looking for funding , with many venture capitalists approached , growth will occur in china . then i founded alibaba, 12 years have passed , and today
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