tiger mom

Why Chinese Mothers Are Superior

Can a regimen of no playdates, no TV, no computer games and hours of music practice create happy kids? And what happens when they fight back?

By AMY C HUA

A lot of people wonder how Chinese parents raise such stereotypically successful kids. They wonder what these parents do to produce so many math whizzes and music prodigies, what it's like inside the family, and whether they could do it too. Well, I can tell them, because I've done it. Here are some things my daughters, Sophia and Louisa, were never allowed to do:

? attend a sleepover

? have a playdate

? be in a school play

? complain about not being in a school play

? watch TV or play computer games

? choose their own extracurricular activities

? get any grade less than an A

? not be the No. 1 student in every subj ect except gym and drama

? play any instrument other than the piano or violin

? not play the piano or violin.

I'm using the term "Chinese mother" loosely. I know some Korean, Indian, Jamaican, Irish and Ghanaian parents who qualify too. Conversely, I know some mothers of Chinese heritage, almost always born in the West, who are not Chinese mothers, by choice or otherwise. I'm also using the term "Western parents" loosely. Western parents come in all varieties.

All the same, even when Western parents think they're being strict, they usually don't come close to being Chinese mothers. For example, my Western friends who consider themselves strict make their children practice their instruments 30 minutes every day. An hour at most. For a Chinese mother, the first hour is the easy part. It's hours two and three that get tough.

Despite our squeamishness about cultural stereotypes, there are tons of studies out there showing marked and quantifiable differences between Chinese and Westerners when it comes to parenting. In one study of 50 Western American mothers and 48 Chinese immigrant mothers, almost 70% of the Western mothers said either that "stressing academic success is not good for children" or that "parents need to foster the idea that learning is fun." By contrast, roughly 0% of the Chinese mothers felt the same way. Instead, the vast majority of the Chinese mothers said that they believe their children can be "the best" students, that "academic achievement reflects successful parenting," and that if children did not excel at school then there was "a problem" and parents "were not doing their job." Other studies indicate that compared to Western parents, Chinese parents spend approximately 10 times as long every day drilling academic activities with their children. By contrast, Western kids are more likely to participate in sports teams.

What Chinese parents understand is that nothing is fun until you're good at it. To get good at anything you have to work, and children on their own never want to work, which is why it is crucial to override their preferences. This often requires fortitude on the part of the parents because the child will resist; things are always hardest at the beginning, which is where Western parents tend to give up. But if done properly, the Chinese strategy produces a virtuous circle. Tenacious practice, practice, practice is crucial for excellence; rote repetition is underrated in America. Once a child starts to excel at something—whether it's math, piano, pitching or ballet—he or she gets praise, admiration and satisfaction. This builds confidence and makes the once not-fun activity fun. This in turn makes it easier for the parent to get the child to work even more.

Chinese parents can get away with things that Western parents can't. Once when I was young—maybe more than once—when I was extremely disrespectful to my mother, my father angrily called me "garbage" in our native Hokkien dialect. It worked really well. I felt terrible and deeply ashamed of what I had done. But it didn't damage my self-esteem or anything like that. I knew exactly how highly he thought of me. I didn't actually think I was worthless or feel like a piece of garbage.

As an adult, I once did the same thing to Sophia, calling her garbage in English when she acted extremely disrespectfully toward me. When I mentioned that I had done this at a dinner party, I was immediately ostracized. One guest named Marcy got so upset she broke down in tears and had to leave early. My friend Susan, the host, tried to rehabilitate me with the remaining guests.

The fact is that Chinese parents can do things that would seem unimaginable—even legally actionable—to Westerners. Chinese mothers can say to their daughters, "Hey fatty—lose some weight." By contrast, Western parents have to tiptoe around the issue, talking in terms of "health" and never ever mentioning the f-word, and their kids still end up in therapy for eating disorders and negative self-image. (I also once heard a Western father toast his adult daughter by calling her "beautiful and incredibly competent." She later told me that made her feel like garbage.)

Chinese parents can order their kids to get straight As. Western parents can only ask their kids to try their best. Chinese parents can say, "You're lazy. All your classmates are getting ahead of you." By contrast, Western parents have to struggle with their own conflicted feelings about achievement, and try to persuade themselves that

they're not disappointed about how their kids turned out.

I've thought long and hard about how Chinese parents can get away with what they do.

I think there are three big differences between the Chinese and Western parental

mind-sets.

Chua family

Newborn Amy Chua in her mother's arms, a year after her parents arrived in the U.S.

First, I've noticed that Western parents are extremely anxious about their children's self-esteem. They worry about how their children will feel if they fail at something, and they constantly try to reassure their children about how good they are notwithstanding a mediocre performance on a test or at a recital. In other words, Western parents are concerned about their children's psyches. Chinese parents aren't. They assume strength, not fragility, and as a result they behave very differently.

For example, if a child comes home with an A-minus on a test, a Western parent will most likely praise the child. The Chinese mother will gasp in horror and ask what went wrong. If the child comes home with a B on the test, some Western parents will still praise the child. Other Western parents will sit their child down and express disapproval, but they will be careful not to make their child feel inadequate or insecure, and they will not call their child "stupid," "worthless" or "a disgrace." Privately, the Western parents may worry that their child does not test well or have aptitude in the subject or that there is something wrong with the curriculum and possibly the whole school. If the child's grades do not improve, they may eventually schedule a meeting with the school principal to challenge the way the subject is being taught or to call into question the teacher's credentials.

If a Chinese child gets a B—which would never happen—there would first be a screaming, hair-tearing explosion. The devastated Chinese mother would then get dozens, maybe hundreds of practice tests and work through them with her child for as long as it takes to get the grade up to an A.

Chinese parents demand perfect grades because they believe that their child can get them. If their child doesn't get them, the Chinese parent assumes it's because the child didn't work hard enough. That's why the solution to substandard performance is always to excoriate, punish and shame the child. The Chinese parent believes that their child will be strong enough to take the shaming and to improve from it. (And when Chinese kids do excel, there is plenty of ego-inflating parental praise lavished in the privacy of the home.)

Second, Chinese parents believe that their kids owe them everything. The reason for this is a little unclear, but it's probably a combination of Confucian filial piety and the fact that the parents have sacrificed and done so much for their children. (And it's true that Chinese mothers get in the trenches, putting in long grueling hours personally tutoring, training, interrogating and spying on their kids.) Anyway, the understanding is that Chinese children must spend their lives repaying their parents by obeying them and making them proud.

By contrast, I don't think most Westerners have the same view of children being permanently indebted to their parents. My husband, Jed, actually has the opposite view. "Children don't choose their parents," he once said to me. "They don't even choose to be born. It's parents who foist life on their kids, so it's the parents'

responsibility to provide for them. Kids don't owe their parents anything. Their duty will be to their own kids." This strikes me as a terrible deal for the Western parent.

Third, Chinese parents believe that they know what is best for their children and therefore override all of their children's own desires and preferences. That's why Chinese daughters can't have boyfriends in high school and why Chinese kids can't go to sleepaway camp. It's also why no Chinese kid would ever dare say to their mother, "I got a part in the school play! I'm Villager Number Six. I'll have to stay after school for rehearsal every day from 3:00 to 7:00, and I'll also need a ride on weekends." God help any Chinese kid who tried that one.

Don't get me wrong: It's not that Chinese parents don't care about their children. Just the opposite. They would give up anything for their children. It's just an entirely different parenting model.

Here's a story in favor of coercion, Chinese-style. Lulu was about 7, still playing two instruments, and working on a piano piece called "The Little White Donkey" by the French composer Jacques Ibert. The piece is really cute—you can just imagine a little donkey ambling along a country road with its master—but it's also incredibly difficult for young players because the two hands have to keep schizophrenically different rhythms.

Lulu couldn't do it. We worked on it nonstop for a week, drilling each of her hands separately, over and over. But whenever we tried putting the hands together, one always morphed into the other, and everything fell apart. Finally, the day before her lesson, Lulu announced in exasperation that she was giving up and stomped off. "Get back to the piano now," I ordered.

"You can't make me."

"Oh yes, I can."

Back at the piano, Lulu made me pay. She punched, thrashed and kicked. She grabbed the music score and tore it to shreds. I taped the score back together and encased it in a plastic shield so that it could never be destroyed again. Then I hauled Lulu's dollhouse to the car and told her I'd donate it to the Salvation Army piece by piece if she didn't have "The Little White Donkey" perfect by the next day. When Lulu said, "I thought you were going to the Salvation Army, why are you still here?" I threatened her with no lunch, no dinner, no Christmas or Hanukkah presents, no birthday parties for two, three, four years. When she still kept playing it wrong, I told her she was purposely working herself into a frenzy because she was secretly afraid she couldn't do it. I told her to stop being lazy, cowardly, self-indulgent and pathetic.

Jed took me aside. He told me to stop insulting Lulu—which I wasn't even doing, I was just motivating her—and that he didn't think threatening Lulu was helpful. Also, he said, maybe Lulu really just couldn't do the technique—perhaps she didn't have the coordination yet—had I considered that possibility?

"You just don't believe in her," I accused.

"That's ridiculous," Jed said scornfully. "Of course I do."

"Sophia could play the piece when she was this age."

"But Lulu and Sophia are different people," Jed pointed out.

"Oh no, not this," I said, rolling my eyes. "Everyone is special in their special own way," I mimicked sarcastically. "Even losers are special in their own special way. Well don't worry, you don't have to lift a finger. I'm willing to put in as long as it takes, and I'm happy to be the one hated. And you can be the one they adore because you make them pancakes and take them to Yankees games."

I rolled up my sleeves and went back to Lulu. I used every weapon and tactic I could think of. We worked right through dinner into the night, and I wouldn't let Lulu get up, not for water, not even to go to the bathroom. The house became a war zone, and I lost my voice yelling, but still there seemed to be only negative progress, and even I began to have doubts.

Then, out of the blue, Lulu did it. Her hands suddenly came together—her right and left hands each doing their own imperturbable thing—just like that.

Lulu realized it the same time I did. I held my breath. She tried it tentatively again. Then she played it more confidently and faster, and still the rhythm held. A moment later, she was beaming.

"Mommy, look—it's easy!" After that, she wanted to play the piece over and over and wouldn't leave the piano. That night, she came to sleep in my bed, and we snuggled and hugged, cracking each other up. When she performed "The Little White Donkey" at a recital a few weeks later, parents came up to me and said, "What a perfect piece for Lulu—it's so spunky and so her."

Even Jed gave me credit for that one. Western parents worry a lot about their children's self-esteem. But as a parent, one of the worst things you can do for your child's self-esteem is to let them give up. On the flip side, there's nothing better for building confidence than learning you can do something you thought you couldn't. There are all these new books out there portraying Asian mothers as scheming, callous, overdriven people indifferent to their kids' true interests. For their part, many

Chinese secretly believe that they care more about their children and are willing to sacrifice much more for them than Westerners, who seem perfectly content to let their children turn out badly. I think it's a misunderstanding on both sides. All decent parents want to do what's best for their children. The Chinese just have a totally different idea of how to do that.

Western parents try to respect their children's individuality, encouraging them to pursue their true passions, supporting their choices, and providing positive reinforcement and a nurturing environment. By contrast, the Chinese believe that the best way to protect their children is by preparing them for the future, letting them see what they're capable of, and arming them with skills, work habits and inner confidence that no one can ever take away.

第10章 矩量法讲解

第十章 矩量法 解析方法仅适用于结构简单的散射体。如果散射目标结构复杂，必须选用数值方法。数值方法是对所求解的微分方程或积分方程实施离散，采用一组基函数表示电场、磁场或感应电流等未知量，然后将电磁场微分方程或积分方程转换为一组线性代数方程，即可按照标准的数值程序求解这些线性方程组。数值方法的优点在于容易处理结构复杂的散射体，而且通常可以获得高精度解。随着高性能计算机的飞速发展，数值方法已经成为解决实际问题的日益重要的工具。现今已有多种数值方法，各具特色，分别适用于求解不同的电磁问题。典型的数值方法是矩量法（MoM ）、时域有限差分法（FDTD ）和有限元法（FEM ）等。本章讨论矩量法，后两章将分别介绍时域有限差分法和有限元法。 矩量法是求解算子方程的有效方法，这些算子通常是微分算子、积分算子或者是两者的组合。20世纪60年代， R. F. Harrington 首先将矩量法用于电磁问题的求解[1]。目前已经广泛地用于天线分析、微波器件的设计以及复杂目标的雷达散射截面（RCS ）的计算。通常认为矩量法是精度最高的数值方法，因此引起更多的关注。如今很多商用软件的开发都基于矩量法。但是，矩量法需要求解稠密的矩阵方程。对于电大尺寸的散射体，它将十分消耗大量机时及内存。为了解决这个问题，人们作了很多努力，研发快速计算和有效的存储方法。因此发展了很多有关积分方程的快速求解算法，大力推动了矩量法的应用。 10-1一般步骤 典型的算子方程可以表示为下列形式 h Lf = （10-1-1） 式中L 为线性算子，可以是微分、积分或两者组合，h 为一个已知函数，f 为待求的未知函数。这些函数可以是矢量或标量，且定义域可为一维、二维或三维空间。因此，在电磁学中它们可以是空间及时间函数。矩量法的一般步骤是，首先将未知函数表示为一组基函数的线性组合，然后匹配算子方程，最后由离散的线性方程组求出展开系数。下面详述矩量法的具体步骤。 首先令N f f f ,,,21 为一组基函数，那么，未知函数)(x f 可以近似表示为 ∑==+++≈N n n n N N x f a x f a x f a x f a x f 1 2211)()()()()( （10-1-2） 式中),,3,2,1(N n a n =为展开系数，它们是未知的。如果N 足够大，上述表示式将非常精确。将上式代入式（10-1-1），得 )()(1 x h x Lf a N n n n ≈∑= （10-1-3） 下一步是选择一组权函数，N w w w ,,,21 ，以每个权函数与上式各项逐一相乘，并且在未知函数的定义域内求积，建立一组未知系数为n a 的线性代数方程。该组方程可以表示为 1 , 1,2,3,,N mn n m n Z a b m N ===∑ （10-1-4） 该方程组的系数及右边项分别为 ?=x Lf x w Z n m mn d )( （10-1-5） ?=x x h x w b m m d )()( （10-1-6） 求出未知系数后，即可近似地决定未知函数，并由此求得其它场量。 上面简述了矩量法的求解过程，现在需要讨论几个问题。 首先是基函数的选择。对于基函数的两个基本要求是完备性和正交性。完备性是指选择的基函数可以精确地表示任何未知函数，且其精度随着基函数的数目增加而提高。正交性可以放宽为线性独立，即要求一组基函数中任何两个必须是线性独立的。众所周知，一组线性独立函数总可以应用所谓Gram-Smit 方法使其正交化。此外，表示式的有效性通常也是选择基函数的重要判椐。

科学美国人的中文翻译

2012年1月4日星期三 雌激素是新的“利他林”吗？ ——性激素能让一部分女性思维敏捷，却也让一部分迟钝 大考即将来临？无法集中注意力？尝试一点雌激素吧。 加州大学伯克利分校的神经系统科学家在最近的一项研究中报道称，女性生理周期中的荷尔蒙波动可能会如咖啡因、甲基苯丙胺或最常见的兴奋剂利他林一样影响其大脑。 近年来的研究表明，工作记忆（短期信息处理能力）是依赖于化学物质多巴胺的。事实上，像利他林这样的药物可以模仿多巴胺帮助人们集中注意力。在老鼠身上的研究显示，雌激素似乎可以诱发多巴胺的释放。但是伯克利这次的新研究是首次把认识能力和人的雌激素水平联系起来，这也就解释了为什么有些女性会在她们生理周期的不同时间点有着或好或坏的认识能力。 这只研究团队对24名健康女性进行了检测。通过基因测试，她们中有些天然多巴胺水平高，而有些天然低。不出所料，多巴胺水平低的女性对于处理复杂的工作记忆问题有困难，比如将一串五个数字反着背出来。但当测试在排卵期中进行，雌激素水平最高时（一般是月经期的10~12天后）这些女性的表现显著改善，有大约10%的进步。令人惊讶的是，多巴胺水平天然高的女性处理复杂问题的能力，却在排卵期中雌激素水平最高的时候有很明显的下降。 根据组织此次研究的Ph.D Emily Jacobs说，脑中的多巴胺是“classic Goldilacks scenario”。对于多巴胺水平最低的25%女性来说，在月经期多巴胺水平的增加会增强她们的认识能力，而对于多巴胺水平最高的25%女性来说，月经期多巴胺水平的增加可能会使她们的多巴胺水平超过一个上限，从而减弱她们的认识能力。而剩下的50%女性都处在这两类女性水平之间，不在研究的范围内。 这项研究有着重大的意义。Jacob说，像咖啡因、利他林这种诱发多巴胺释放的药物对于特定时期的女性是无效，甚至是损害性的。而且，她还希望提醒科学家们注意，在研究脑部疾病时，男女大脑虽然天赋相同但是并不完全一样。 Jacob说，这之间有很大区别，只有我们能知道他们在正常状态下的区别，我们才能预测他们在疾病状态下的区别。 毁约——脑扫描揭示誓言什么时候会不被遵守 新郎说“我愿意”而又和别人有一腿的时候，他脑中发生了什么？朋友承诺还钱却一直不还，他的脑中又发生了什么？一项最新研究显示，毁约是一项很复杂的神经生物学事件。而且脑扫描可以在毁约发生前预测出谁将要毁约。 瑞士苏黎世大学的科学家运用核磁共振技术把大脑比喻成了一场投资游戏。投资者必须决定是否承诺与受托者分享利益。如果投资，会使得账户中的资金增加，但如果受托者选择不分享，结果也会是投资者受损失。几乎所有投资者都说会把钱给受托者，但最后并不会所有人都守约。 通过核磁共振的扫描，研究者可以在他们有机会毁约前预测出他们会不会毁约。毁约者脑部的一些区域的活动会更加活跃，包括分管在压抑诚实回应时自我控制的前额皮质层，和标志

科学翻译

第12页 0903060136 梁潇 0903060137 黄浩 0901014108 黄瑞尧 5.3性能分析 通信开销：在和平时期，验证和密钥协商协议的要求只有三路之间的网状路由器和网络用户和双向沟通网络用户之间。这是最低的通信回合要实现相互认证，因此，和平招致降低认证延迟。此外，通过设计，和平带来最低的额外因为它们可能对网络用户的通信开销如掌上电脑和智能手机进行的移动客户端比其他笔记本电脑访问无线网状网。这些移动客户端要少得多强大相比，网状路由器考虑到他们的沟通能力。在消息（M.1），（M.1），（M.2），网络用户只需要发送一组签名履行认证功能。作为我们立足本集团上签字的变化计划[8]中提出，签名的包括两个G的元素五个元素的Z带够。当使用[19]中描述的曲线，可以首要采取p到170位并使用G组1，其中每个元素是171位。因此，总群签名的长度为1192位或149字节。有了这些参数，安全性是大致相同作为一个标准的1024位RSA签名，这是128个字节[8]。也就是说，群签名的长度几乎是作为一个标准的RSA-1024的签名相同。 计算开销：在和平，最昂贵的计算操作的签名生成和验证。签名生成需要两个同构的应用中。同构计算，需要大约同时，作为一个在G1幂（使用快速计算的轨迹图）[8]。因此，签名生成需要约八幂（或multiexponentiations）和两个双线性映射计算。验证签名需要六个幂和3+2|网址|双线性映射计算。按照设计，和平采用会话认证的不对称对称的混合方法，降低计算成本。网络实体（Mesh 路由器和网络用户）执行昂贵的组签名操作相互验证，只有当建立一个新的会话，所有同一会话的后续数据交换是通过高效的基于MAC的方法进行验证。 更具体地说，和平需要进行相互认证，为建立一个新的会话时，执行一个签名生成和签名验证的网络用户。由此可以看出，签名验证的实际成本计算取决于一致资源定址器的大小，而签名的发电成本是固定的。和平可以主动控制的一致资源定址器的大小。此外，可以采取一种更为有效的吊销检查算法，其运行的时间是一致资源定址器的独立[8]中描述了对用户的隐私有点牺牲。这种技术可以进一步带来的总成本六幂和5个双线性映射计算的签名验证。另一方面，和平需要一个网状路由器进行相互认证其覆盖范围内的每个网络用户每每灯塔消息不同的会议和标志定期播出。 存储开销：在和平中，网络用户可以携带资源约束的普及设备，如掌上电脑和智能手机访问的无线网状网。因此，存储每个网络用户的开销应该是负担得起的现代普及设备。在我们的计划显示说明，在和平中的每个网络用户需要存储两个信息：他的小组的私钥及相关系统参数。该组的私钥为每个用户包含1组元素的G1和2个Z元素。如果我们首要选择p到170位，并使用G组1每个组171位的元素，每个组私钥用户只需消耗511位的内存，这是微不足道的现代普及设备。大多数的内存消耗部分是系统参数，其中可能包括代码来形容双线性组（G

对翻译的科学性和艺术性的思考

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明清之际的科技翻译 明清之际耶稣会士科学译介研究 背景明末清初是基督教伴随着殖民势力向东方发展的高潮时期,同时也是东西文化开始猛烈碰撞的时期。明末清初也是中西科技进入较大规模的实质性接触和交往的新时期。在此期间,从利玛窦1582年抵达澳门开始,到1687年法国五位“国王的数学家”抵华为标志的耶稣会士入华传教新阶段,直至“最后的耶稣会士”钱德明在1793年去世的两个多世纪中,随着一批又一批耶稣会传教士来到中国,中国与西方之间的文化科技交流进行了一个前所未有的鼎盛时期。一方面,为了传教的需要,他们将西方的科学文化知识传入中国,使中国知识界对“西学”有了初步的了解和认识；另一方面,他们又通过书信往来和翻译中国典籍等方式,把中国悠久灿烂的文化介绍给欧洲,使欧洲出现了“中国热”,也加深了西方世界对中国的了解。 过程：第一阶段在明末清初的“西学东渐”和“中学西传”活动中,西学东渐是指近代西方学术思想向中国传播的历史过程，那时候传教士扮演着相当重要的角色,当时主要以天主教耶稣会为主的传教士们,在试图将天主教传入中国的同时,也引入了西方的人文哲学和科学技术思想,翻译了大量的西方学术相关书籍。但在从事西方科技知识翻译的过程中,他们之中的不少人也积极通过翻译将中国文化科学与社会习俗等国情介绍到西方世界去,这就是“中学西传”。就这样,西方传教士来华的目的是传播西方文化与科技,但他们自觉或不自觉地又成为中国文化与科技的受熏陶者和接受者,进而又成为向欧洲译介中华文化与科技的传播者。 第二阶段1601年利玛窦进入北京，标志着明末清初来华耶稣会士传教活动进入一个重要转折点。利玛窦为了实现传教意图继续发扬光大他在前期探索和完善的适应性传教路线,一方面研究中国儒学典籍以适应中国社会,另一方面以西方科学技术的传播作为敲门砖,为此取得了突出的成就,完成了不少西方科技著作的译述,其代表作就是与徐光启合作完成的《几何原本》。 第三阶段 1687年,五名法国耶稣会士来华，标志者明末清初耶稣会在华传教的二百余年这段历史进入了一个重要转折点或者分水岭。从1687年至1724年基督教在中国被禁的这段时间里,法国耶稣会士不但在这一时期在中西文化科技交流中独步天下,而且也促成法国成为欧洲汉学研究的重镇。还有另外一个重要意义就是,1687年前来华的传教士呢，对汉学的研究主要局限于为了传教出发而对儒家经典的注解,而1687年后大规模来华的法国传教士对中国文化的研究则扩大到了其他许多领域,包括历史、民俗、文学、科技、动植物学等等,其广度和深度显然不是此前的来华传教士所能企及的。 “西学东渐”和“中学西传”出现的原因（只要读科技实现需要的原因即可）。就世界背景而言，到了明末清初,世界历史进入了一个重要转折时期,欧洲资本主义萌芽迅速发展,催生了其对原材料的迫切需求,进而引起了西欧各国对海外商机的探寻,而地理大发现之后激发起来的欧洲人探索新航路热潮的目的之一就是要前往中国。就国内背景而言,从晚明时代开始,中国传统封建社会高度成熟,并开始起步由传统的封建社会向新的近代社会转型,尤其是资本主义萌芽出现,使历史发展呈现出新的情形,晚明的经济、社会、政治、习俗及思想文化都出现了新变化。

矩量法在电磁散射中的应用

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的材料也各不相同。因此对复杂目标的电磁散射特性进行快速、高效的分析，具有重要的理论意义和实用价值。 电磁散射问题只有在相对简单的情况下才可以用严格的解析法来求解，比如对极少数形状规则的物体。对于电大物体，可以用高频近似方法，例如几何光学法(GO)、物理光学法(PO)、几何绕射理论(GTD)、物理绕射理论(PTD)、一致性几何绕射理论(UTD)、复射线法(CT)等来求解散射场。反之，对于电小物体，可以用准静态场来进行分析。介乎这两者之间的物体，一般采用数值方法。目前分析电磁散射问题的数值方法主要有微分方程法和积分方程法。微分方程法有有限差分法(FDM)、时域有限差分法(FDTD)、频域有限差分法(FDFD)、时域平面波法(PWTD)、时域多分辨分析法(MRTD)、有限元法(FEM)、传输线矩阵法(TLM)等，积分方程法有表面积分方程法(SIEM)、矩量法(MOM)、边界元法(BEM)、体积分方程法(VIEM)、快速多极子法(FMM)、时域积分方程法(IETD)等。这些方法各有优缺点，有的是为了避免矩阵求逆，有的是为了加快收敛，有的是为了提高精度，还有的是为了减少贮存等。它们被广泛应用于求解复杂的工程电磁场问题中。应用微分方程法求解电磁散射问题时，由于散射体的外空间为无限大，需要人为设置截断边界使求解区域有限，这种截断边界的引入会导致非物理的反射现象。矩量法是一种将连续方程离散化成代数方程组的方法，经常被看作数值“精确解”。它既适用于电磁场积分方程又适用于微分方程，由于已经有有效的数值计算方法求解微分方程，所以目前矩量法大都用来求解积分方程。由于此方法能解决边界比较复杂的一些问题，因而得到了广泛的应用。需要注意的是，

英语四级翻译练习：科学

英语四级翻译练习：科学 请将下面这段话翻译成英文： 科学和自然界中一切存在的事物和发生的现象的特点和过程有关。科学包括整个自然界，它精辟地阐述了人类关于各种自然现象是如何彼此联系并如何构成我们所说的宇宙的种种 概念的。 科学有许多特性，要了解科学是什么，就得详细地考察一下这些性能和特点。有一些作者断言说科学实际上只是一种方法—科学的方法。这样的定义是过于简单化了。但是科学方法在决定科学知识的性质方面肯定起着重要的作用。 参考答案: Science is related to all the existing things and thecharacteristics and process of the phenomenahappening in nature.Science contains the wholenature,whichdevelpos various penetrating viewsabout human being's conceptions that how variousnatural phenomena are related together and how they constitute our so-called universe. Science has many characteristics.We have to inspect those functions and characteristics indetail if we want to know what the science is.Some authors assert that science in fact is a kindof method-scientific method.This definition is over simplified.But obviously the scientificmethod plays an important role in deciding the nature of the scientific knowledge. 考点分析： 科学包括整个自然界，它精辟地阐述了人类关于各种自然现象是如何彼此联系并如何构成我们所说的宇宙的种种概念的。 分析: 翻译这个句子时可以处理为逻辑结构清楚的长句，主句就是“科学阐述了种种概念”，然后用which引导一个从句来引出“人类关于各种自然现象是如何彼此联系并如何构成我们所 说的宇宙的”这样解释“概念”的短语

翻译学论争根源之我见_兼谈奈达的_翻译科学_

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翻译：关于科学性的追问

翻译：关于科学性的追问 After developing in several centuries, science may be a useless thing. Certainly, we still have some years to fill vacancies, but if only this, that is also the science? Maybe it is not. Perhaps, the true science - the kind of significant science which founded by Galileo and Copernicus, have already became the history. The science will go on forever, although during some specific historical period, human beings may encounter some restrictions in natural, intellectual, or technical aspect. At present, most of the scientists, as the older generation, who concentrate on unknown things in their major, believe that science will not come to an end quickly. Perhaps, these scientists are unable to makes clear what there are before the universe exists forever, and don not know how the universe origins ,or how many rules which controls the world in the knowable physical principles. Perhaps these questions have surpassed science scope, but that science will come to an end is incredible, 科学经历了几个世纪突破性的进展之后，可能已经变成了徒劳无益的事业。诚然，我们还有几年的时间可以用来做些查漏补缺的工作，但如果仅此而已，那还算是科学吗？或许，真正的科学-由伽利略和哥白尼等人开创的那类重大的科学，早已成为历史。

关于翻译的科学性与艺术性的思考

对翻译的科学性和艺术性的思考 关键词: 翻译;科学性;艺术性 摘要: 翻译是科学还是艺术历来是译学家们争论的焦点。西方译学家奈达博士在60 年代曾有过建立翻译科学的设想,试图用语言学的理论和方法来说明翻译问题,但未能取得成功。而后,到了90 年代他则断言:翻译不是科学,而是艺术。笔者就奈达博士由科学论向艺术论的转变,对翻译的性质进行了理性思考:翻译中对“忠实”目标的追求体现了翻译的科学精神,而为实现“忠实”又离不开艺术创造,因此科学性和艺术性贯穿于翻译活动的全过程,二者互为补充,缺一不可。 Philosophic Thinking of the Science and the Art of Translating ———on Nida’s“Toward a Science of Translating” ZHANG Rui - qing1 ,ZHANG Hui - qing2 (1. The School of Foreigh L anguages , S hanxi University , Taiyuan , China ; 2. English Department , Northern China Engineering Institute , Taiyuan , China) Key words : t ranslation ;science ;art ;faithfulness. Abstract : What is t ranslating ? Is it science or art ? This has long been one of the focal cont roversies among t ranslatologist s. Dr. Eugene A. Nida attempted to establish a science of t ranslating by applying linguistic theories and approaches to t ranslating problems in the 1960s ,but failed. In the