ch 1

Chinese economic reform and

development: achievements,

emerging challenges and

unfinished tasks1

Jane Golley and Ligang Song

The economic transformation that has taken place in China since the late 1970s is now regarded as one of the most significant social changes in human history. Within just three decades, China has succeeded in transforming itself from a centrally-planned closed economy into one of the world’s most dynamic and globally-integrated market economies. The dynamics unleashed

by Deng Xiaoping’s reforms, open-door policies and institutional changes have unleashed enormous entrepreneurial energy and propelled continuous capital accumulation, productivity gains and trade and income growth on a scale the world has never seen before. During this period, China’s total gross domestic product (GDP), industrial output, foreign trade and, importantly, its per capita income increased respectively by factors of 16, 27, 124 and 12.1As a result,

the incidence and severity of poverty have declined dramatically in China. According to a recent World Bank report (2009), between 1981 and 2004,

the fraction of China’s population consuming less than US$1 a day in today’s purchasing power fell from 65 per cent to 10 per cent and about half a billion people were lifted out of poverty. This achievement has contributed critically

to global progress in reducing world absolute poverty and indeed ‘a fall in the number of poor of this magnitude over such as short period is without historical precedent’ (World Bank 2009:iii).2

The fundamental causes of this remarkable performance are by now familiar

to most China observers. Market-oriented reforms centred on changes in the price system led to improved resource allocation and allowed the most dynamic private sector to flourish, thereby increasing the overall level of efficiency in the economy. Liberalisation programs allowed trade and foreign direct investment

1 Calculated using the data taken from NBS (2009).

2 The Millennium Poverty Reduction Target aims to halve the proportion of people living in absolute poverty by 2015 compared with the level in 1990 (Thirlwall 2006).

1

China: The Next Twenty Years of Reform and Development

2(FDI) to flourish according to China’s underlying comparative advantage, resulting in enormous gains from trade. Decentralisation and ownership transformation helped to solve incentive problems and enhance the performance of firms and local governments. And institutional reforms that abandoned the decades-long restraints on the mobility of labour unleashed an unprecedented scale of urbanisation, with the ratio of the urban in the total population rising from less than 20 per cent in the late 1970s to 46 per cent in 2009. This gradual process of ‘reform and opening up’ coincided with a surge in the proportion of the working-age population, generating in a ‘demographic dividend’, which, according to Cai and Wang (2005), accounted for about one-quarter of the growth rate in per capita GDP between 1982 and 2000. The sustained high rates of economic growth that resulted have fundamentally transformed the Chinese economy and its position in the world.

China has also benefited during the past three decades from some favourable internal and external conditions. Internally, there were some positive legacies inherited from the planning system that were conducive to reform and growth, including a basic industrial base and reasonable infrastructure, the irrigation system and a relatively well-developed education system. In the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution, there were overwhelming domestic forces pushing for reform that helped overcome the resistance to change, especially during the early years of reform. The low base from which the economy started enabled China to benefit from low-cost advantages in production that contributed enormously to the rising output and competitiveness of the economy. Moreover, as a latecomer to economic development, China enjoyed the advantage of backwardness—that is, the ability to adopt the world’s more-advanced technologies relatively rapidly.

Externally, China’s reforms have coincided with a new era of globalisation, characterised by a more open global trading environment, resulting from significant reductions in tariffs and other forms of trade protection through various rounds of multinational trade negotiations in the post-war period, and from the mid-1980s through unilateral liberalisation in the Western Pacific region. This era has also been characterised by rapid global economic structural adjustment in response to cross-border flows of capital, people and technology; and by rapid reductions in transaction costs stemming from substantial improvements in transport, communication and information management. ‘A s a result, international markets have provided China with opportunities (and also risks) that far exceed those available at the time of Japan’s and Korea’s big growth spurts’ (Brandt and Rawski 2008:13).

While some of these favourable conditions will remain in place during the next two decades, many of them will no longer yield the sizeable benefits to China’s economic growth that they have in the past. If China is to continue along its

Chinese economic reform and development

3

remarkable path of economic reform and development, it will need to adapt to these changing internal and external conditions and to steer skilfully through a number of challenges. This book highlights how the deepening of reforms in critical areas such as domestic factor markets, the exchange rate regime and the health system, combined with the strengthening of channels for effective policy implementation and the rebalancing of economic growth, will enable China to cope with the challenges that lie ahead. These include responding to the pending exhaustion of the unlimited supply of labour; playing a constructive role in reducing global trade imbalances; enhancing firms’ ability to innovate and compete in the global economy; coping with migration, urbanisation and rising inequalities on scales unknown in world history; and dealing with rising energy and metal demand in an era in which low-carbon growth has become a necessity rather than a choice.

Evidence presented in this volume and elsewhere indicates that China has entered the turning point—or more accurately, the turning period—in economic development, signalled by the end of surplus labour and the consequent rapid rise in wages in some, albeit not all, sectors of the economy. The tightening of the labour market will be compounded by the combined impact of three decades of the One-Child Policy and rapid income growth on Chinese fertility rates, which has already heralded a rapidly ageing population, with the growth rate of the labour supply predicted to turn negative by about 2020 (Tyers et al. 2009). This will necessitate changes in the industrial structure and composition of trade, as China loses its comparative advantage in the labour-intensive exports that have been an engine of growth in the past. To facilitate these changes, building human capital through education,

accelerating technological change through innovation and raising labour productivity through further labour-market reform are becoming increasingly urgent national priorities. Economic growth in the

past has been characterised by extensive growth resulting in a number of structural imbalances, including highly resource- and energy-intensive production. Now China has entered a stage of growth in which metal and energy intensities (that is, consumption per unit of GDP) are exceptionally strong. This will significantly add to the global pressure to balance the supply of, and demand for, resources and energy products, and the impact on world markets for these products is likely to be intense (Garnaut and Song 2006). Confronting this challenge will require China to accelerate its pace of structural change by moving more quickly towards higher valued-added industrial production and the service sector and by adopting resource- and energy-saving technologies in all productive sectors. Reforming the

pricing systems for energy and resources so that prices truly reflect the balance

China: The Next Twenty Years of Reform and Development

4between supply and demand will be critical in this regard. Such pricing reforms will enhance supply capacities and encourage resource- and energy-saving technological change, substitutions for resource use and conservation.

As one of the largest economies and the largest carbon emitter in the world, China needs to confront environmental degradation and climate change by moving more rapidly towards a low-carbon growth economy. This is not only for the health and welfare of China’s own population, but for the world to stand any chance of achieving the goal of significantly reducing global emissions before catastrophic problems occur (Stern 2007; Garnaut 2008). In so doing, China will need to overcome many difficulties associated with the current level of per capita income, the mid-phase of its industrialisation and the vast regional disparities with respect to the levels of income and industrial development. The transition towards developing a low-carbon economy might not necessarily compromise economic growth, as developing environmentally-friendly industries can generate new sources of growth. The key challenge is to set up an appropriate system in which all parties involved, including the central government, local governments, firms and households, will have incentives to make the necessary adjustments (Cai and Du 2008). The stark conflict between the contemporary style of industrial development and the health of the biosphere indicates strongly that now is the time for China to make the adjustments that will underpin sustainable long-term growth (McKay and Song 2010). Enhancing productivity is a crucial component of the shift towards a low-carbon mode of economic growth. Technological progress and innovation hold the key. There is huge potential for China to change the relationship between economic output and carbon emissions through the absorption, mass production and improvement of green technologies from the developed countries. Government will play a crucial role in ensuring that China reaches this potential, most importantly by facilitating the dynamic private sector’s active engagement in this endeavour. A concerted effort to generate and commercialise environmentally- sound technologies would also enable China to quicken the pace of industrial structural change and alter the current trajectory of its industrialisation path. Another feature of China’s growth strategy has been the reliance on exports and investment, which has contributed to the rise in global imbalances in recent decades and to numerous structural problems within China as well. While not all of the remedies lie in China’s hands, there is now widespread recognition that a rebalancing of growth is called for, in the direction of a strategy that relies more heavily on the growth of domestic consumption and productivity. Boosting domestic consumption will take time but there are some clear reform options that will play a positive role. Song et al. (forthcoming), for example, show that an effective way of boosting domestic demand is to accelerate the pace of ‘urbanising’ migrant workers (estimated to have reached 160 million

Chinese economic reform and development

5

in China in 2009) by granting these workers urban residency, which would change their consumption behaviour. This particular task can be accomplished only by deepening institutional reforms affecting labour

mobility and the social security system. Ongoing economic development will also play a role. As China enters the turning period, higher wages will naturally lead to higher domestic consumption, possibly having a greater impact than any institutional reforms. Higher consumption will raise China’s import demand, enabling the country to contribute to more balanced growth in the global economy and to become a sustainable engine for global growth. Reforms to China’s exchange-rate regime and land-management system will also play crucial roles in solving a range of imbalance issues. Low domestic consumption is just one of many indicators that China’s growth strategy needs to be readjusted as far as its social impact is concerned. For example, the World Bank (2009) has found that the responsiveness of poverty reduction to economic growth has fallen in recent years. Rising income inequality and widening regional disparities, along with uneven access to health services and

social

welfare

systems,

are some

of the

most undesirable outcomes associated with the rapid economic growth of the past. Failure to deal with these issues could pose the greatest threats to

social stability, which in turn could become a serious obstacle for growth and development in the decades ahead. While entering the turning period will offer some respite for income inequality, much more will need to be done. Apart from strengthening the redistributive functions of the government and building a more comprehensive social security system, further reforms to enhance rural–urban migration will be crucial for the continued growth of productivity and income while narrowing the income inequality among different social groups. Strengthening local public finance through

reforming the current system of intergovernmental transfer payments and improving the health system will also be critical if the government is to achieve its objective of more equitable development.

Finally, China is likely to become the largest economy in the world by 2030, regardless of the measurement used (Maddison 2001). China’s rise as a global economic powerhouse will thrust

on it increasing responsibilities in a range of global affairs—whether it wants those responsibilities or not. China will thus be expected, and will surely find it desirable, to contribute positively to global stability, progress and prosperity through cooperation with other players in the global system. High on the agenda for China’s strategic engagement are reducing global imbalances, reforming the international financial system, pushing forward with multilateral trade negotiations under the World Trade Organisation (WTO), confronting the challenges of climate change and fighting global poverty. In all of these realms, it is not merely a question of how China manages its external economic relations but how it conducts itself politically.

China: The Next Twenty Years of Reform and Development

6China has made tremendous progress in reforming its institutions in the first 30 years of reform and transformation. What has been achieved in the past has laid the groundwork for China to deepen institutional reforms during the next stage of its development. There is reason to be optimistic as far as the link between future institutional change and growth is concerned, since ‘[o]nce economic growth has begun, institutions change more and more in directions favourable to growth, and so strengthen the forces making for growth’ (Lewis 1955:143). China’s experience during the past 30 years illustrates this point.

The next two decades of reform and development are likely to be more challenging than the past, as China embraces a new mode of economic growth driven not only by efficiency, but also sustainability and equity considerations. Indeed, the overarching challenge for China in the decades ahead is to successfully shift into this new mode of growth. This will not be possible unless China tackles the overarching task that remains unfinished: completing the transition to a true market economy by further reforming the country’s factors markets and carrying out more comprehensive institutional reforms—in the economic system, in governance, in its legal and regulatory systems, as well as in the political system. If successful, the next two decades will see China elevated to a position of global primacy or at least of ‘co-primacy’ alongside the United States. Success is, however, more easily presumed than achieved. A smooth Chinese ascendancy to global primacy will require many changes from the status quo, as each of the chapters that follow demonstrates from a variety of different angles. Part I of this book focuses on China’s long-term development trends and issues. It begins with Ross Garnaut’s (Chapter 2) analysis of the turning period in Chinese development. Garnaut presents a new conceptual framework based on Arthur Lewis’s model of economic development in a labour-surplus economy, which provides the basis for understanding China’s transition through the end of this period of labour surplus and beyond. He reflects on chapters in the 2006 China Update book, The Turning Point in China’s Economic Development, which provided early and partial evidence that China had already begun its entry into the turning period. This is followed by a summary of more recent evidence that the economy has now moved more decisively and deeply into this period, signalled in particular by rapidly rising real wages since 2004. Garnaut sees China’s economic success in the future depending on the flexibility of the economy; its openness to foreign trade, investment and ideas; and the quality of human resources and regulatory systems that are required to deal with the more complex economy that is emerging. He argues that, with this flexibility and structural adjustment, the growth of the Chinese economy will not necessarily slow during the Lewis turning period and beyond.

China’s gradual and piecemeal approach to economic reform has been heralded by many as an alternative—and preferable—path to economic development, as

Chinese economic reform and development

7

reflected in the discourse about the ‘Beijing Consensus’ versus the ‘Washington Consensus’. Where the Beijing Consensus has often been interpreted as a development model in which an authoritarian government is heavily involved in most economic activities, the Washington Consensus has been interpreted as a development model requiring a relatively rapid transition to a market-based economy as prescribed by neoclassical economics. Yang Yao (Chapter 3) contests both of these interpretations in his analysis of China’s development model and sees China’s reform

and development

as being

perfectly

compatible

with the

Washington Consensus, and the ‘China model’ as a process of convergence towards neoclassical ideals. Yao describes the Chinese government as a

‘disinterested’ government that has managed to remain detached from various social groups

within China rather than being captured by exclusive interest groups. This ‘disinterest’—rather than its authoritarianism—has enabled growth-enhancing policies, which, while creating winners as well as losers, have collectively delivered higher living standards across the nation in the past three decades. Despite this success to date, Yao concludes that China’s future development model will inevitably require explicit political reform, and ideally democratisation, to counterbalance the formation of strong interest groups with increasingly contradictory goals—beyond that of economic growth alone.Where Yao argues for democratisation in the future as a way of balancing government actions and public interests, Yongsheng Zhang (Chapter 4) sees it as a way to establish effective central–local government relationships, the evolution of which will have a crucial impact on China’s future development. He proposes a new analytical framework for intergovernmental relations based on two distinct dimensions—personnel and fiscal—each of which can be either ‘top down’ or ‘bottom up’. This gives rise to four possible structures into which the world’s wide range of intergovernmental

relations can be categorised. Zhang argues that most industrialised Western countries fall into Structure 1, represented by the combination of bottom-up personnel relationships and top-down fiscal relationships. China’s evolving central–local relations during the reform period are then depicted as a journey from Structure 3 (top-down personnel, top-down fiscal) to Structure 4 (top-down personnel, bottom-up fiscal), as a result of fiscal decentralisation between 1978 and 1994, and then back to Structure 3 after the 1994 tax reforms. Zhang suggests that the most likely outcome for China in the foreseeable future is that central–provincial relations continue to be top-down personnel and top-down fiscal (Structure 3), while provincial–local relations become increasingly bottom-down personnel, top-down fiscal (Structure 1). For the successful evolution towards Structure 1 for all levels of intergovernmental relations in China, Zhang sees two critical requirements: the strengthening of the rule of law and the deepening of grassroots democracy

China: The Next Twenty Years of Reform and Development

8over time. Like so much of China’s reform and development process, however, Zhang is clear that this process will be gradual and certainly not without Chinese characteristics.

Huw McKay, Yu Sheng and Ligang Song (Chapter 5) revive the theoretical field that relates economic development to metal usage and shed light on China’s future path of ferrous-metal demand by referencing the experience of relevant peers over the entire course of the industrialisation process. Their chapter formally identifies the existence of the Kuznets inverted-U curve for steel (KCS) and validates the synthesis view of metal intensity, which sees a role for both technological leapfrogging and evolving consumer preferences in determining changes in metal intensity. Their econometric analysis indicates that China will reach the turning point in its own KCS when its gross domestic product (GDP) per capita exceeds about US$15 000—predicted to be about 2024. They conclude that, as China progresses towards high-income status, it is unlikely to continue to closely follow the Korean path characterised by its exceptionally high metal intensity. This is because China will be compelled to alter its mode of economic growth away from the current reliance on heavy industry, investment and export orientation. As a consequence, China’s final path of metal intensity is likely to be a blend of certain aspects of the experiences of North America, the Commonwealth of Independent States, Western Europe, Japan and emerging Asia.

The global and local environmental consequences of China’s rapid growth and industrialisation during the past three decades have been immense. There is increasing pressure within and outside China for the Chinese leadership to be more ambitious in their plans to combat global climate change and, according to Zhongxiang Zhang (Chapter 6), they are at least beginning to step up to the plate. This is reflected first and foremost in China’s target to reduce its carbon intensity by 40–45 per cent by 2020—a target that goes well beyond ‘business as usual’. Zhang is well aware that stating ambitious targets is one thing, while achieving them is another. On this front, he recognises that the (lack of) reliability of China’s energy and GDP statistics makes it difficult to assess real progress while raising the issue of credibility as well. Moreover, the conflicting objectives of lower-level governments could result in actions that counteract rather than support national-level environmental objectives. These issues notwithstanding, he provides considerable and detailed evidence of the achievements to date in terms of energy conservation and carbon-intensity reductions. Zhang concludes that the likelihood of China achieving its environmental goals rests on the strengthening of existing policies, industrial restructuring away from highly energy-consuming, polluting and resource-intensive industries and the cooperation of local governments.

Chinese economic reform and development

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Jane Golley (Chapter 7) reflects on an issue that has plagued Chinese leaders for millennia: regional disparities in development. By 2050, the current leadership has set itself the formidable task of ‘considerably reducing’ the disparities that exist between western China and the other regions—most prominently, the east, where the vast share of China’s industrialisation has occurred throughout time, and in particular, throughout

the reform period. Golley’s analysis of provincial-level industrial growth rates during the period 2000–07 provides some indication that the glory days of the eastern region could be coming to an end, although its dominance in terms of China’s industrial output is still clearly evident. Although she finds some theoretical and empirical reasons for optimism on the likelihood that some industries will spread westward in the next two decades, the balance of evidence suggests this will translate into no more than a minimal reduction in regional disparities during this time. Reducing regional inequalities will remain unfinished business in China for a long time to come.Part II of the book turns to the challenges and opportunities relating to China’s global integration.

Xiao Geng (Chapter 8), and Rod Tyers and Ying Zhang (Chapter 9) contribute to the continuing renminbi exchange-rate debate.

Both chapters

begin by reflecting on the international pressure for renminbi

appreciation, which stems from the expectations of the Balassa–Samuelson hypothesis (BSH): a developing country experiencing productivity catch-up in its tradable goods sectors is likely to experience a rising real exchange rate as a consequence of the associated rise in wages and non-tradable sector prices. Focusing on the problem of

global imbalances, Xiao takes it as given that China will remain reluctant to appreciate the renminbi and considers alternative Chinese policy options—such as privatisation and deregulation—to reduce the excessive savings of the corporate sector and measures to increase domestic consumption. He then turns to what he sees as the key factor driving global imbalances: cheap money. This, he argues, has created property and stock-market bubbles all over the world, including in China, and has also had a significant impact on driving down the prices of Chinese goods (thereby keeping the real exchange rate low). Xiao calls for a higher Chinese interest rate and improved capital-control mechanisms to combat this, by ensuring that capital flows into efficient investments—whether domestic or international—rather than towards speculative and inefficient investments. He closes by noting that the rise in Chinese prices in the future can achieve the necessary real exchange rate appreciation, if and when China is able to tolerate this. The sooner this happens, the sooner external pressure for renminbi appreciation will subside.Tyers and Zhang look closely at China’s real exchange rate movements over time, observing that, despite the expectations of the BSH, it showed no tendency to appreciate until after 2004. Since then, substantial real appreciation has taken place, which they attribute primarily to rising prices and wages in agriculture,

China: The Next Twenty Years of Reform and Development

10along with the slowing of trade reforms. They then explain clearly why the setting of the renminbi rate is not as discretionary for the Chinese authorities as suggested by critics and that, should international pressure result in a nominal appreciation either via a monetary contraction or via export disincentives, the consequences would be harmful for Chinese and global interests. Both this chapter and Xiao’s demonstrate the importance of understanding the peculiarities of China’s transitional economy when entering into one of the world’s hottest debates.

Chunlai Chen (Chapter 10) addresses the question of whether China’s phenomenal success in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) during recent decades has been at the expense of other developing economies—in Asia in particular. His econometric analysis of the ‘China effect’ on FDI into 12 other developing Asian economies during the period 1992–2008 suggests the commonly expressed fears about China’s FDI dominance are unfounded. In particular, Chen finds that an increase in FDI inflows into China is positively and significantly related to FDI inflows into other Asian economies. He attributes this investment-creation effect during the period of analysis to the increased resource demand by a rapidly growing Chinese economy and the production-networking activities within Asia. Chen predicts that these positive linkages are likely to strengthen in the next two decades, in light of deepening Asian integration and expectations of continued rapid growth for China. Moreover, with the ageing and increasing wealth of China’s population, not only will other Asian economies become more attractive alternative locations for labour-intensive manufacturing, they are likely to be the destinations of choice for China’s increasingly large FDI outflows. For developing Asia, on average at least, China’s FDI success is a win-win story. Prema-chandra Athukorala and Archanun Kohpaiboon (Chapter 11) examine the export experience of China and other East Asian economies in the aftermath of the global financial crisis against the backdrop of pre-crisis trade patterns. The analysis is motivated by the ‘decoupling’ thesis, which posits that the East Asian region has become a self-contained economic entity with the potential for maintaining dynamism regardless of the economic outlook in the industrialised world. Athukorala and Kohpaiboon dispel this thesis by examining the changes in intra and extra-regional trade shares in East Asia since the global financial crisis. Emphasising the importance of including parts and components—as well as final goods—in trade-flow analysis, they show that the rising importance of global production sharing has in fact strengthened, rather than weakened, East Asia’s links with the wider global economy. Noting that the global recovery is likely to remain patchy at best in the medium term, they call for an integrated East Asian policy response that emphasises rebalancing growth away from exports and towards domestic markets, particularly in the case of China. Their findings caution against a possible policy backlash against openness to foreign

Chinese economic reform and development

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trade arising from the newly found enthusiasm for rebalancing growth and they make a strong case for a long-term commitment to non-discriminatory multilateral and unilateral trade liberalisation.On the impact of the global financial crisis on rural–urban migration, Sherry Tao Kong, Xin Meng and Dandan Zhang (Chapter 12) reveal some unexpected findings. With the global financial crisis leading to a sharp reduction in export orders in the second half of 2008, it was expected that the most significant impacts would fall on rural migrants—in terms of either employment or wage reductions—and indeed millions of laid-off migrants lamented lost jobs and protested over closed factories. Drawing on the panel surveys of rural–urban migrants and rural households in the Rural-Urban Migration in China and Indonesia (RUMiCI) Project, Kong, Meng and Zhang find, however, only very small changes in employment and almost no wage reductions for migrants in cities between 2008 and 2009. Instead, they find that the real effects were felt mainly in the rural sector, to which close to 15 million rural migrants returned in 2009, and with 80 per cent of those taking up jobs in the rural agricultural sector. Thus, it was the agricultural sector that effectively provided an employment buffer for return migrants and also for workers in the rural off-farm sector, which was also hit by the economic downturn. Although this evidence indicates a relatively—and surprisingly—positive outcome for migrants during the global financial crisis, the authors point out that the agricultural sector is unlikely to provide such a buffer in the future, so migrant employment shocks will have to be absorbed in other ways. A universal welfare system and property rights over rural land are seen as crucial in this regard.

Section III of the book focuses on ‘Policy and reforms: unfinished tasks’. It begins with Wing Thye Woo’s depiction (Chapter 13) of the Chinese economy as a speeding car that is running the risk of three potential types of failure. Fiscal instability and a slowdown in productivity growth are discussed as two potential ‘hardware’ failures—or breakdowns in a key economic mechanism. Flaws in governance are likened to a crash caused by people fighting in the car—a potential ‘software’ failure—while severe environmental degradation is seen as a natural or externally imposed limit, a ‘power supply’ failure analogous to crashing into a wall. After explaining the reasons why each of these particular failures might occur in the foreseeable future, Woo presents a reform agenda to avert the occurrence of these, and other, potential obstacles along China’s road to prosperity. His agenda for addressing hardware failures includes the creation of more new entrepreneurs, urbanisation according to the principle of future homeownership and the development of a modern financial system in which the private sector has a greatly enhanced role. Political reforms lie at the heart of his ‘software reforms’, which require the adoption of free elections, a free press and an independent judiciary. The solution to ‘power supply’ failures rests on

China: The Next Twenty Years of Reform and Development

12China’s ability to mobilise international consensus, cooperation and scientific research on key global issues. If adhered to, Woo’s reform agenda offers much hope that China’s rocky path to prosperity can be smoothed out significantly. Yiping Huang and Bijun Wang (Chapter 14) examine the evolution of structural imbalances in China and offer one overarching solution: factor-market reform. In particular, they demonstrate that the fundamental cause of China’s structural imbalances—reflected in its very high investment share of GDP and current account surplus, inefficient resource use, income inequalities and environmental degradation—lies in the gradual and piecemeal approach to economic reforms in which product markets have been completely liberalised while distortions in factor markets have remained. This has resulted in the repression of prices for labour, land, capital, resources and the environment, which Huang and Wang interpret as providing subsidy equivalents for producers, exporters and investors. While this has clearly been beneficial for China’s economic growth in the past, it has also increased the structural risks associated with incomplete reforms, which will threaten the stability, balance and sustainability of China’s growth pattern in the future unless adequately addressed. Huang and Wang note that the efforts of the Chinese leadership to date in addressing these issues have been limited and they call for a major shift in policy towards a comprehensive package of factor-market reforms. Only after the successful implementation of these reforms—which is likely to take decades in some areas—will China’s transition to a market economy be truly complete.

Almost all aspects of China’s economic reform and development process have exhibited uniquely ‘Chinese characteristics’ and Cai Fang and Meiyan Wang (Chapter 15) show that urbanisation is no exception. Their chapter begins with evidence that China has already reached the Lewis turning ‘point’, which they point out is in fact more a transitional ‘period’, beginning in 2004. Their investigation of recent trends in rural-to-urban migration and more general changes in the labour market shows that agriculture no longer serves as a pool of surplus labour, but rather that rural workers’ migration to and settlement in urban areas have become irreversible and inevitable. As a consequence, one of their key arguments is that Chinese policymakers need to let go of the ‘Todaro dogma’, which depicts labour migration in a dual economy as a pattern of ‘come and go’, rather than of permanent settlement, and which thus results in the implementation of policies that control and even restrict the process of rural-to-urban migration—as exemplified by China’s hukou system. While acknowledging progress in reforming the hukou system to date, Cai and Wang explain that impediments in the system have resulted in the transformation of farmers into migrant workers without entitlement to crucial public services and social protection in their urban destinations, thereby driving urbanisation

Chinese economic reform and development

13

with Chinese characteristics.

Further hukou reforms are seen as critical for transforming these farmers-turned-migrant workers into migrants-turned-urban residents in the decades ahead. For Yanrui Wu (Chapter 16), indigenous innovation will be crucial for sustainable growth and development in China in the decades ahead. After reviewing China’s achievements in innovation, skills and capacity during the past three decades, Wu presents an econometric analysis of Chinese innovation at the firm level and then considers China’s performance in an international context. After showing that rapid growth in investment in innovation has resulted in a rapid expansion of innovation outcomes, Wu then demonstrates a significant gap between China and the world’s leading innovators and questions whether growth in the quantity of innovations has come at the expense of quality. While closing this gap and promoting quality are two obvious policy recommendations that stem from Wu’s analysis, his firm-level analysis presents more of a policy dilemma. In particular, he shows that state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have performed much better than foreign-invested firms and privately owned Chinese firms as far as research and development propensity and efforts are concerned. Wu calls for specific policies to encourage the participation of non-state firms in innovation and to improve the legal system and protection of intellectual property in order to ensure that privatisation does not come at the expense of innovation in the future.

Finally, Ryan Manuel (Chapter 17) focuses on one particular aspect of China’s reforms that is sparking much discontent—and with good reason: the healthcare system. Manuel provides some historical context for China’s healthcare experience. After noting the achievements of the collective period (1950–79), in which China’s public health system was world leading in terms of its high levels of ‘bang for your buck’, he describes the second, post-collectivisation period (1980–2003) as one that became increasingly inequitable, costly and ineffective. Since then, the introduction of the New Cooperative Medical Scheme (NCMS) and the beginning of the ‘cover the countryside’ campaign of public finance have resulted in far greater public funds being injected into the healthcare system. Despite this increase in funding, Manuel sees continuing problems during the next 20 years of health reform, unless the Chinese government can effectively address the flawed incentives facing individual health service providers and the lack of supervision, coordination and governance in the system.

China: The Next Twenty Years of Reform and Development

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World Bank 2009, From Poor Areas to Poor People: China’s evolving poverty reduction agenda, an assessment of poverty and inequality in China , March, East Asia and Pacific Region, The World Bank, Washington, DC.

数据库基础教程CH1 答案

Exercises 2.3.1 In this exercise we introduce one of our running examples of a relational database schema. The database schema consists of four relations, whose schemas are: Product (maker, model, type) PC (model, speed, ram. hd, price) Laptop (model, speed, ram, hd, screen, price) Printer (model, color, type, price) The Product relation gives the manufacturer, model number and type (PC, laptop, or printer) of various products. We assume for convenience that model numbers are unique over all manufacturers and product types; that assumption is not realistic, and a real database would include a code for the manufacturer as part of the model number. The PC relation gives for each model number that is a PC the speed (of the processor, in gigahertz), the amount of RAM (in megabytes), the size of the hard disk (in gigabytes), and the price. The Laptop relation is similar, except that the screen size (in inches) is also included. The Printer relation records for each printer model whether the printer produces color output (true, if so), the process type (laser or ink-jet, typically), and the price. Write the following declarations: a) A suitable schema for relation Product. b) A suitable schema for relation PC. c) A suitable schema for relation Laptop. d) A suitable schema for relation Printer. e)An alteration to your Printer schema from (d) to delete the attribute color. f)An alteration to your Laptop schema from (c) to add the attribute od (optical-disk type, e.g., cd or dvd). Let the default value for this attribute be 'none' if the laptop does not have an optical disk. Exercise 2.3.1a CREATE TABLE Product ( maker CHAR(30), model CHAR(10) PRIMARY KEY, type CHAR(15) ); Exercise 2.3.1b CREATE TABLE PC ( model CHAR(30), speed DECIMAL(4,2), ram INTEGER, hd INTEGER, price DECIMAL(7,2) );

消费者行为ch1导论

幻灯片1 经济与管理学院工商管理系 幻灯片2 关于学习成绩的评定 ●期末总评成绩构成： ●考勤10% ●平时个人作业10%（1次） ●平时小组作业10%（1次） ●期末考试卷面70% 幻灯片3 第一章导论 ●人类的行为可以简单归纳为刺激与反应的过程。 ●作为最高等生物的人类，具有最复杂的刺激与反应系统。 ●由于复杂而且动态，人类的行为学很早就成为一门正式的科学。 幻灯片4 ●作为营销者，你的使命就是改变消费者的行为。 ●上面描述的心理反应与过程发生的时间仅为 0.2-1秒。不同的个体可能产生完全不同 的反应，每天每一个消费者要处理数以万计的各种信息，并做出相应的反应。 ●你该如何把握他们的主流，从而应用方法去改变人们的行为呢？ ●答案只有一个：消费者行为学。 幻灯片5 学习目标 ●什么是「消费者」？其与「顾客」和「工业用户」有何不同？ ●「消费者行为」此一门学科的内涵为何？ ●了解消费者行为的重要性何在？

●消费者行为有哪些主要的特性？ ●哪些学科对消费者行为学科的发展有所贡献？ ●关于消费者的研究与探讨有哪些观点？ ●消费者权利主要包括哪几项？其内涵为何？ ●消费者行为的思考架构为何？ 1-5 消费者行为Chapter 1导论 幻灯片6 消费者行为的定义与内涵 ●当顾客（通常这时的顾客是指个人或家庭）购买产品或服务的目的是为了供其最终直接 消费之用，则该产品或服务便称为「消费品」，而购买该产品的顾客则称为「消费者」。 1-6 消费者行为Chapter 1导论 幻灯片7 上海市政府的消费者是谁? 上海市政府的服务提供给谁呢? 上海市民就是市政府的消费者! 1-7 消费者行为Chapter 1导论 幻灯片8 图1-1消费者与工业用户的相关观念 产品类型 顾客 市场类型

通信网基本概念与主体结构(第二版)答案Ch1

Solutions to Chapter 1 1a. Describe the step-by-step procedure that is involved from the time you deposit a letter in a mailbox to the time the letter is delivered to its destination. What role do names, addresses and mail codes (such as ZIP codes or postal codes) play? How might the letter be routed to its destination? To what extent can the process be automated? Solution: The steps involved in mailing a letter are: 1. The letter is deposited in mailbox. 2. The letter is picked up by postal employee and placed in sack. 3. The letter is taken to a sorting station, where it is sorted according to destination, as determined by the mail code and grouped with other letters with the same destination mail code. (If there is no mail code, then it is determined by the largest geographical unit, for example, country (if specified), otherwise state (if specified), otherwise city (if specified).) 4. The letter is shipped to the post office that handles the mail for the specific mail code (or country or city). 5. The letter is then sorted by street address. 6. The letter is picked up at the post office by the postal worker responsible for delivering to the specified address. 7. The letter is delivered according to the number and street. The name is not really used, unless the street address is missing or incorrect. The name is at the destination to determine who the letter belongs to. (Unless of course the letter is being sent to a small town, where most inhabitants are known to the postal worker.) The mail delivery process can be automated by using optical recognition on the mail code. The letter can then be sorted and routed to the destination postal station, and even to the destination neighborhood, depending on the amount of geographical detail built into the mail code. 1b. Repeat part (a) for an e-mail message. At this point, you may have to conjecture different approaches about what goes on inside the computer network. Solution: The steps involved in e-mailing a message are: 1. The message is sent electronically by clicking 'Send'. (In Chapter 2 we see that the Simple Mail Transfer Protocol (SMTP) is used to do this.) 2. The mail provider of the sender sends a request to a name server for the network address of the mail provider of the recipient. The mail provider is determined by the information following the @ symbol. 3. If the mail provider finds the network address of the recipient's mail provider, then it sends the message to that address.

数据库教材部分习题解答

1 n

习题1 题五。1

Ch2 题5： ⑴Пsno(σjno=j1 (spj)) ⑵Пsno(σjno=j1∧pno=p1 (spj)) ⑶Пsno(Пsno,pno(σjno=j1 (spj))∞Пpno(σ (p))） color=红色 ⑷Пjno(j)- Пjno(Пsno,pno(σcity=天津∧color=红色(s×p)) ∞spj) ⑸Пjno,pno(spj)÷Пpno(σsno=s1 (spj)) 4、

一、程序设计题 1．解： 2 S(学号，姓名，性别，专业，奖学金) C(课程号，课程名，学分) SC(学号，课程号，分数) 用关系代数表达式实现下列各题。 （1）检索“英语”专业学生所学课程的学号、姓名、课程名和分数。 解：1.П学号，姓名，课程名，分数(σ专业='英语'(学生∞学习∞课程)) （2）检索“数据库技术”课程成绩高于90分的所有学生的学号、姓名、专业和分数。 解：П学号，姓名，专业，分数(σ分数>90∧名称='数据库技术'(学生∞学习∞课程)) （3）检索选修课程号为C2和C5的学生学号。 解：除法 （4）检索不选修“C1”课程的学生学号，姓名和专业。 解：П学号，姓名，专业(学生)-П学号，姓名，专业(σ课程号='C1'(学生∞学习)) （5）检索没有任何一门课程成绩不及格的所有学生的学号、姓名和专业。 解：П学号，姓名，专业(学生)-П学号，姓名，专业(σ分数<60(学生∞学习))

①create table 借阅(借书证号 char(3), 总编号 char(6), 借书日期 datetime， primary key(借书证号, 总编号)， FOREIGN KEY(借书证号) REFERENCES 读者(借书证号)， FOREIGN KEY(总编号) REFERENCES图书(总编号)） ②alter table读者 add constraint c1 check(性别 in(‘男’,’女’)) ③ create unique index bookidx on 图书(总编号 desc) ④select * from 图书 where 出版单位=‘清华大学出版社’ order by 单价 desc ⑤select 图书* from 图书，借阅 where 图书. 总编号=借阅. 总编号 and 单价>17 ⑥select 总编号from 图书 where 单价>(select max(单价) from 图书 where 出版 单位=‘清华大学出版社’) ⑦select 出版单位,count(借书证号),sum(单价) from 图书 group by 出版单位 having count(借书证号)>5 ⑧ ⑨insert into 借阅 values(‘006’,‘010206’,’2000-12-16’) 10、 update 图书 set 单价=单价+5 where 出版单位=‘高等教育出版社’ 11、delete from 借阅 where ‘张三’= (select 作者from 图书WHERE 图书. 总 编号=借阅. 总编号) 12、create view dzview(借书证号,姓名,性别, 单位) as select 读者. 借书证号,姓名, 性别, 单位 from 图书,读者,借阅 where 读者. 借书证号=借阅. 借书证号and 图书. 总编号=借阅. 总编号 and 出版单位=‘清华大学出版社’and 单位=‘计算机系’ 13 grant select,update(借书日期) on 借阅 to 张军 3.4习题3* 二、 DC 三、 3.1 create trigger t1 on借阅 for delete as update读者 set 借阅册数=借阅册数-1 where 读者.书号=(select 书号 from deleted where 读者. 总编号= deleted . 总编号) 3.2 create procedure p1 @n char(3), @t dadatime as select * from借阅 where 借书证号=@n and 借书日期>=@t

ch1导论

第一章导论 §1.1 引言 古人云：“不止不行，无静无动”。车辆有行必有停。停车包括车辆到达目的地后在路内、外停车场地的停放，与上下乘客或装卸货物及其他原因所需的短暂停车。停车又称为静态交通，它和动态交通是城市交通中不可分割的组成部分，前者以后者为起点，后者是前者的延续。静态—动态—静态，这种“链状”循环是城市交通的基本运行结构。二者既相互促进又相互制约，共同构成城市交通系统。只有使动态与静态交通密切协调，才能保证城市交通的良好运行。在汽车化社会，停车与城市的四项基本功能：居住、工作、游憩和交通均密切相关，它不仅为城市居民的各种出行活动提供必要的条件，而且是影响人们投资决策、居住和工作地点选择的一个关键因素，影响着人们的活动方式和生活方式。 在车辆不太多的时代，车辆开到哪里就停在哪里，对道路交通没有多大影响，停车不成为问题，所以不会受到重视。随着车辆的增长，原有的道路越来越不能适应交通量增长的需要，路边随意停车对行驶车辆的影响也越来越严重，停车问题才开始受到人们的重视。 §1.2 国内外研究综述 1.2.1 国内停车研究评述 由于多方面原因，停车问题在国内长期没有受到应有的重视。人们对交通问题的关注大都集中在行车和道路设施上。相应停车研究也起步较晚，只是近十几年的事情。研究历程和成果可划分为三个阶段来总结。 第一阶段—八十年代前期： 这是起步阶段，研究工作以停车调查为主。代表性的有1980~1983年武汉城市建设学院对风景区停车吸引量的调查和对社会停车场合理容量规模的研究，之后1985年北京、上海、天津、广州、西安等十几个城市对公共建筑吸引的停车量进行了调查。 第二阶段—八十年代后期： 这一阶段的研究以武汉和上海为代表。武汉城建学院对城市停车场分类、规划布局理论和停车场（库）标准进行了初步研究[1]。上海城市建设学院晏克非主持进行了上海市停放车大调查，提交了市中心区占路停放现状分析与对策建议、大型公建与专业停车场停车调查分析、文化娱乐和交通集散中心停放车特征初步分析等三份分报告和总报告[2]，调查规模和深度均属空前，建立了国内领先的数据库。此外，北京的研究者在国内较早涉及停车设施的性质问题[3]，提出其属于市政公用基础设施。缪立新利用统计回归方法对宾馆停车泊位数进行了分析[4]。 第三阶段—九十年代至今： 随着进入九十年代许多大中城市停车状况的恶化，停车问题逐渐受到重视，由此这一阶段的研究不论在广度上还是深度上都大大超过了前两个阶段。代表性研究主要有： 1990~1991年，晏克非等进行了上海市中心区停车管理及对策研究[5]，主要成果是在国内首次对停车需求预测进行了深入研究，建立了基于土地利用的静态交通发生率模型和基于车辆出行

键值对数据库综述

键值对数据库综述与典型KV数据库介绍 一、键值数据库概述 键值数据库是一种非关系数据库，它使用简单的键值方法来存储数据。键值数据库将数据存储为键值对集合，其中键作为唯一标识符。键和值都可以是从简单对象到复杂复合对象的任何内容。键值数据库是高度可分区的，并且允许以其他类型的数据库无法实现的规模进行水平扩展。 Key-Value 键值对数据模型实际上是一个映射，即key是查找每条数据地址的唯一关键字，value是该数据实际存储的内容。例如键值对：（“”,“张三”），其key：“”是该数据的唯一入口，而value：“张三”是该数据实际存储的内容.Key-Value 数据模型典型的是采用哈希函数实现关键字到值的映射,查询时，基于key 的hash值直接定位到数据所在的点，实现快速查询,并支持大数据量和高并发查询。 二、基本原理 从API的角度来看，键值数据库是最简单的NoSQL数据库。客户端可以根据键查询值，设置键所对应的值，或从数据库中删除键。“值”只是数据库存储的一块数据而已，它并不关心也无需知道其中的内容；应用程序负责理解所存数据的含义。由于键值数据库总是通过主键访问，所以它们一般性能较高，且易于扩展。基本上所有的编程语言都带有应用在内存中的键值对存储。C++STL的映射容器（map container）和Java的HashMap以及Python的字典类型都是键值对存储。键值对存储通常都有如下接口： -Get( key ): 获取之前存储于某标示符“key”之下的一些数据，或者“key”下没有数据时报错。 -Set( key, value ): 将“value”存储到存储空间中某标示符“key”下，使得我们可以通过调用相同的“key”来访问它。如果“key”下已经有了一些数据，旧的数据将被替换。 -Delete( key ): 删除存储在“key”下的数据。 三、基本特性 键值数据库具有以下几个特性：

ch1系统概述

第一章系统概述 内容简介 一个SDH网络由许多网元组成。WaveStar ADM16/1网元具有复用和线路传输功能。本章将着重对WaveStar ADM16/1系统的外观、特性、内部结构、网络应用、单元盘组成以及网络管理进行介绍，让读者能够对系统有一个概括性的了解。 主要内容 1.1WaveStar ADM16/1系统简介 1.1.1系统外观：机架与子架 1.2WaveStar ADM16/1系统结构与网络应用 1.2.1WaveStar ADM16/1基本结构 1.2.2WaveStar ADM16/1网络应用 1.3WaveStar ADM16/1系统子架与单元盘简述 1.3.1子架设计 1.3.2单元盘描述 1.3.3用户面板(UPL) 1.3.4输入/输出接线盒(I/O Box) 1.4WaveStar ADM16/1系统特性 1.5WaveStar ADM16/1系统技术参数 1.6WaveStar ADM16/1与朗讯科技网络管理体系 1.6.1ITM网管系列 1.6.2ITM-CIT技术参数

1.1WaveStar ADM16/1系统简介 WaveStar ADM16/1系统是为了将同步信号(G.703)和准同步信号(G.702)灵活地复用进2.5G(STM-16)等级的信号而设计的。WaveStar ADM16/1可以用作STM-16等级分插复用器、终端复用器和小型本地交叉连接系统。WaveStar ADM16/1特别适用于建设高效灵活的大容量的网络。 1.1.1 系统外观：机架与子架 WaveStar ADM16/1子架可安装在标准的ETSI机架上，也可安装在抗地震的机架上,每个机架可安装两个子架。 机架标准尺寸如下： ETSI机架：高x宽x深=2200mm/2600mmx600mmx600mm 抗地震的机架：高x宽x深=2200mmx600mmx600mm 图1-1 一个ETSI机架可安装两个WaveStar ADM16/1系统 图1-2(a)是WaveStar ADM16/1子架前视图,子架尺寸为: 高x宽x深=1000mmx500mmx545mm 从图中可以看见系统的底板(背板)，底板上有许多槽位可用于安插各种单元盘。 图1-2(b)是WaveStar ADM16/1子架后视图,包括了进出背板的电缆。

Ch1 管理信息

Ch1 管理信息（Information for management） Part1 信息Information 1.1 Data 和information的不同 Data（数据）is the raw material or data processing. Information（信息）is processed data that is meaningful to the person who receives it. Data——（rules）——information 1.2 信息的质量Qualities of good information Good information should be relevant(相关), Complete(完整), Accurate(准确), Clear(清楚), it should inspire confidence, it should be appropriately communicated, its volume should be manageable, it should be timely(及时)and its cost(成本收益原则) should be less than the benefits it provides. ＄EXP1: The following statements refer to qualities of good information: （ⅰ）It should be communicated to the right person （ⅱ）It should always be completely accurate before it is used. （ⅲ）It should be understandable by the recipiend. Which of the above statements are correct? B A（i）and（ii）only B （i）and（iii）only C （ii）and（iii）only D （i）,（ii）and（iii） Part2 计划、控制和决策Planning，control and decision making 2.1 组织的目标Objetives (1) Maximize profits (2) Maximize shareholder value （股东价值，股东财富） (3) Minimize costs (4) Maximize revenue（收入） (5) Increase market share（市场份额） 2.2 计划Planning Strategy战略——高层 Tactic 战术——中层 Operation 经营——基层 Long-term planning——strategic plan——strategic information Short-term planning——tactical plan——tactical information ——operational plan——operational information ＄EXP2: The following statement refer to strategic planning: （ⅰ）It is concerned with quantitative and qualitative matters. （ⅱ）It is mainly undertaken by middle management in an organization. （ⅲ）It is concerned predominantly with the long term. Which of the statements are correct? B A（ⅰ）and（ⅱ）only B（ⅰ）and（ⅲ）only C（ⅱ）and（ⅲ）only D（ⅰ）,（ⅱ）and（ⅲ） ＄EXP3:

数据库单元练习5

单元练习5 一．判断题（下列各题，正确的请在前面的括号内打√；错误的打╳）（ㄨ）（1）串是n个字母的有限序列。“串”是由0个或多个字符构成的一个有限序列，用双引号作为其定界符。 （√）（2）串的数据元素是一个字符。 （ㄨ）（3）串的长度是指串中不同字符的个数。 括在双引号内的字符个数n，称为字符串的“长度”。当n=0时，称其是一个“空串” （ㄨ）（4）如果两个串含有相同的字符，则说明它们相等。 （ㄨ）（5）如果一个串中所有的字母均在另一个串中出现，则说明前者是后者的子串。 字符串中任意多个连续字符所组成的子序列，称作是该串的“子串” （√）（6）串的堆分配存储是一种动态存储结构。 （ㄨ）（7）“DT”是“DA TA”的子串。要连续。 （ㄨ）（8）串中任意个字符组成的子序列称为该串的子串。 （√）（9）子串的定位运算称为模式匹配。 （√）（10）在链串中为了提高存储密度，应该增大结点的大小。 二．填空题 （1）由零个或多个字符组成的有限序列称为字符串（或串）。 （2）字符串按存储方式可以分为：顺序存储、链接存储和堆分配存储。 （3）串的顺序存储结构简称为顺序串。 （4）串顺序存储非紧凑格式的缺点是：空间利用率低。 （5）串顺序存储紧凑格式的缺点是对串的字符处理效率低。 （6）串链接存储的优点是插入、删除方便，缺点的空间利用率低。 （7）在C或C++语言中，以字符\0 表示串值的终结。 （8）空格串的长度等于空格的个数。 （9）在空串和空格串中，长度不为0的是空格串。 （10）两个串相等是指两个串相长度等，且对应位置的字符都相同。 （11）设S="My Music"，则LenStr(s)= _ 8 。 （12）两个字符串分别为：S1="Today is"，S2="30 July,2005",ConcatStr(S1,S2)的结果是： Today is 30 July,2005 。 （13）求子串函数SubStr("Today is 30 July,2005",13,4)的结果是：July 。 （14）在串的运算中，EqualStr(aaa,aab)的返回值为<0 。 （15）在串的运算中，EqualStr(aaa,aaa)的返回值为0 。 （16）在子串的定位运算中，被匹配的主串称为目标串，子串称为模式。 （17）模式匹配成功的起始位置称为：有效位移。 （18）设S="abccdcdccbaa"，T="cdcc"，则第 6 次匹配成功。

Ch1_基本知识(3)

高速数字系统设计2005年3月2日

第一章基本知识 1-1 信号与信号完整性（Signal Integrity） 1-2 频率与时间 1-3 时间与距离 1-4 -3dB频率与上升时间 1-5 集总系统与分布系统 1-6 四种电抗 1-7 高速数字系统中的电阻、电容和电感元件 中国科大快电子学安琪2

1-5 集总系统与分布系统 一. 信号传输的四种电性等效模型 全波模型 分布模型（离散模型） 集总模型 直流模型 中国科大快电子学安琪3

1. 全波模型 理论：“麦克斯威方程组”。 假设电磁波在一个无限大的平 面上行进： 电场指向x方向； 磁场指向y方向； 整个电磁场往z方向行进。 全波模型示意图 传播速度：光速， 阻抗：电场对磁场的比值，在自由空间里为377?。 当平面波遇到一个高传导物体时，传播方向会随即发生变化。如果适当地调整传播的物体，则平面波可以被导入到一个传输线里，这个我们称为“全波 模型”。 选择“边界条件”用以代表实际物体的几何结构以及所使用的材料，来求解全波模型的麦克斯威方程组。 即使非常简单的结构体，方程组也很难解出。 中国科大快电子学安琪4

2.分布系统 简化数学模型： 用“电容”来描述电能 用“电感”来表示磁能， 用“电阻”来代表转换为热的能量损耗。 这些元件被定义成没有实际尺寸，由无损和 无延迟的导线将它们连接起来。 有了这些电路元件就不再需要麦克斯威方程 分布模型（离散模型）示意图组和边界条件，利用这些电路元件就可以来 描述一个所谓的理想传输线的结构。 基本的传输线结构如图所示，理想上，它是由无限多的RLC网络所组成的，然而，为了计算的目的（特别是为了时域的计算方便），我们通常选择有限个RLC网络来代表。其基本的假设是每个RLC网络的延迟时间远小于信号的波长或者上升时间。 需要提醒的是，这种传输线模型仍然是用集总的元件来描述系统的，只不过这些元件 是分布在整个系统中，并且是足够小。以至于每个RLC网络的延迟时间远小于信号的波长或者上升时间。我们称这种传输线模型为“分布模型”。在分布模型”中，我们使用了许多分布元件来描述电波传输的性能。 中国科大快电子学安琪5

Windows Server 2008系统管理ch1-习题参考答案

Ch1 【思考题】 1. Windows Server 2008的Server Core模式相比普通的图形界面有什么优势？为什么？ 参考答案：如果操作系统采用图形用户界面，那么必须有许多相关程序对其进行支持，如显卡驱动程序，鼠标动作的监视和相应程序等，在提高易用性的同时，增加了系统的复杂性和增大了对计算机硬件的需求，降低了系统响应速度，也会增加系统出现BUG和被攻击的可能性。Server Core模式取消了图形用户界面，采用命令行对系统进行配置，取消了和网络服务无关的程序和功能模块，提高了系统运行速度和安全性。 2. 如果你的服务器硬件和操作系统均支持虚拟化技术，这项技术相比以往传统计算机系统，能够让你在网络管理中做出哪些调整？ 参考答案：可以在一台服务器上运行多个操作系统，提高硬件的利用率，减少硬件投资；每台虚拟机都可以提供不同的服务，一旦某个服务出现问题，只需针对该服务进行维护即可，不影响其他服务；多个虚拟机之间可以互为补充，提高了服务器的可靠性。 3. 如果你现在接管了一台服务器，已经安装了Windows Server 2003操作系统，但是漏洞百出，而且将其升级至Windows Server 2008，你准备采取全新安装还是升级安装？为什么？ 参考答案：全新安装，全新安装虽然需要重新配置所有的服务，但是也可以获得更好的安全性。 【练习题】 1. Windows Server 2008有哪些版本？各有什么特点？ 参考答案： Windows Server 2008 标准版 Windows Server 2008 标准版是一个性能优异、可靠性高的网络操作系统，可以快捷、方便地提供企业解决方案，拥有强大的网络部署和管控功能，能够为用户节约大量的人力和财力。Windows Server 2008 标准版主要为小型企业和部门应用而设计，具备了大多数网络需要的基本功能，并具有全能的Server Core安装选项，通常用于文件和打印机共享，Internet 安全连接等，允许集中化的桌面应用程序部署。 Windows Server 2008 32位标准版最大可支持4G内存和最多4个CPU核心，而64位标准版最大可支持32G内存。 Windows Server 2008 企业版 Windows Server 2008 企业版是为了满足各种规模的企业的一般用途而设计，是一种全功能的网络操作系统，能够提供高度可靠性和强大的性能，是构建各种应用程序、WEB服务器和基础结构的理想平台。企业版在功能类型上与标准版基本相同，但通过支持更高级的硬件系统，可以提供更强大的性能，同时可以提供更加优秀的可伸缩性和可用性，增加了一些企业及应用的支持，如Failover Clustering与活动目录联合服务等。Windows Server 2008 企

ch1-基本概念及基本原理

第一章 基本概念及基本原理 思 考 题 1－１ 力沿某轴的分力与在该轴上的投影两者有何区别?力沿某轴的分力的大小是否总是等于力在该轴上的投影的绝对值? 1－２ 设有两力 、 ，已知·ｎ＝ ·ｎ（ｎ为沿某一轴的单位矢量），试问由上式是否可得 ＝ ? 1F 2F 1F 2F 1F 2F 1－３ 试述力偶矩与力矩的区别与联系。 1－４ 怎样将实际工程结构简化为合理的力学模型？一般应从哪几个方面进行简化？试举例说明。

习 题 1－１ 支座受力Ｆ，已知Ｆ＝１０ｋＮ，方向如图所示，求力Ｆ沿ｘ、ｙ轴及沿ｘ′、ｙ′轴分解的结果，并求力Ｆ在各轴上的投影。 1－２ 已知＝１００Ｎ， ＝５０Ｎ， ＝６０Ｎ， ＝８０Ｎ，各力方向如图所示，试分别求各个力在ｘ轴ｙ轴上的投影。 1F 2F 3F 4 F 题1－１ 附图 题1－２ 附图 1－３ 计算图中 、、 三个力分别在ｘ、ｙ、ｚ轴上的投影。已知 ＝２ｋＮ，＝１ｋＮ， ＝３ｋＮ。 1F 2F 3F 1F 2F 3F 1－４ 已知ＦＴ＝１０ｋＮ，求ＦＴ在三直角坐标轴上的投影。 题1－３ 附图 题1－４ 附图 1－５ 力Ｆ沿正六面体的对顶线ＡＢ作用，Ｆ＝１００Ｎ，求Ｆ在ＯＮ上的投影。 1－６ 已知Ｆ＝１０Ｎ，其作用线通过Ａ（４，２，０）、Ｂ（１，４，３）两点如图所示。试求力Ｆ在沿ＣＢ的Ｔ轴上的投影。

题1－５ 附图 题1－６ 附图 1－７ 图中的圆轮在力Ｆ和矩为Ｍ 的力偶作用下保持平衡，这是否说明一个力可与一个力偶平衡? 1－８ 试求附图所示的力Ｆ对Ａ点的矩，已知 ＝０.２ｍ，＝０.５ｍ，Ｆ＝３００Ｎ。 1r 2r 题1－７ 附图 题1－８ 附图 1－９ 试求附图所示绳子张力ＦＴ对Ａ点及对Ｂ点的矩。已知＝１０ｋＮ，ｌ＝２ｍ，Ｒ＝０.５ｍ，α＝３０°。 T F 题1－９ 附图 题1－１０ 附图 1－１０ 已知正六面体的边长为 、 、 ，沿ＡＣ作用一力Ｆ，试求力Ｆ对Ｏ点的矩的矢量表达式。 1l 2l 3l 1－１１ 钢缆ＡＢ中的张力 ＝１０ｋＮ。写出该张力 对Ｏ点的矩的矢量表达式。 T F T F 1－１２ 已知力Ｆ＝２ｉ－３ｊ＋ｋ，其作用点Ａ的位置矢 ＝３ｉ＋２ｊ＋４ｋ， A r

信息管理 CH1

Chapter 1: Information Systems: An Overview TRUE/FALSE 1. The most common PDA is a smartphone. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 4 2. Twitter is an example of a management information system (MIS). ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 4 3. The terms “information systems” and “information technologies” are used interchangeably. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 5 4. Skills in using word processing software are an example of information literacy. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 6 5. Business Intelligence (BI) includes historical views of business operations. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 6 6. Computers are most beneficial in transaction processing operations. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 6 7. Many MIS applications are used in both the private and public sectors. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 7 8. An information system typically provides three major components: data, intelligence, and information. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 7 9. Generally, there are three sources of data: internal, external and generated. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 8 10. Customers, competitors, and suppliers are examples of internal data sources. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 8 11. A database management system (DBMS) is used to create, organize, and manage databases. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 8 12. The quality of information is determined by its usefulness to users. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 9 13. Most information systems do not make use of graphical user interfaces. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 9 14. To achieve its goals, an information system might use many different information technologies. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 10 15. Information is the most important resource in any organization. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 11 or looking up how 16. Intranets are often used to provide basic HR functions, such as employees checking how much vacation time they have left much they have in their 401(k) plans. ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 11 17. Buyer power is high when customers have few choices and low when they have many choices. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 14 18. An effective financial information system (FIS) should provide timely, accurate, and integrated information about the ma rketing mix. ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 12 19. Rivalry among existing competitors is high when many competitors occupy the same marketplace position.

数据库原理基础教程英文版答案CH1 作业(1)

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