新世纪研究生英语阅读C重点段落及翻译

Unit 1 science vs. the humanities

1.Are the humanities useless frill—a vestigial appendage of our antiquated educational system? Has the importance of technology been stressed over that of the humanities at a time when perhaps the converse should be true? Should we bother at all to teach the humanities in our schools? These are questions which have often beset educators and serious-minded thinkers. Let us investigate these questions in their broad context, for our heritage depends to an extent on the answers.

人文学科是否只是一种无用的装饰品，是我们陈旧时的教育体系中发育不全的附属体？在一个也许更需要更强调人文学科的重要性的是代理，是否相反过分强调了技术的重要性？我们究竟该不该在学校里不厌其烦地教授人文学科？这些是常常困扰教育家和理性思想家的问题。让我们在更宽的范围内研究这些问题，因为我们文化遗产的传承在一定程度上取决于对这些问题的问答。

2. The humanities are not a mere device; they are not agencies for general improvement. The humanities in the broad cultural sense，and in the narrow academic one，have uses that are much more intimate and permanent. In any generation, persons are born who find books, music, works of art, and theaters in the world and are instinctively drawn to them. These people grow up with an ingrained desire for the objects of their interest and a preference for people of like taste. a larger group, though less intent, takes similar pleasure in artistic activities from time to time. The two groups together are strong enough to impose on the remainder the daily presence of what delights them.

人文学科不是一种单纯的工具，也不会促成一般意义上的进步。无论从广泛的文化意义上还是从狭隘的学术意义上讲，人文学科的价值更富有个性和永久性。不管那一代，总有人在这世上碰上书籍、音乐、艺术品和剧院，并本能地被这些东西所吸引。这些人长达后，对他们所喜欢的东西形成了一种根深蒂固的嗜好，也偏爱和他们有着同样爱好的人。而更多的人，尽管不那么专注，但也时而表现出对艺术活动有相似的爱好。这两个群体的人已经足以让其他人感受到他们所欣赏的东西在日常生活中的存在。

3. thus the art of architecture and its decoration —the post-office mural or the restored Williamsburg—are forced on millions who, left to themselves, might live in a cave or a tent. Thus newspapers and magazines reproduce pictures, retell history, comment on art old and new, criticize music and books ,write about the lives and opinions of artists —in short, cater for the minority who sway us all by their peculiar tastes.

于是，建筑及其装饰艺术，如邮局墙面上的壁饰或是复原的威廉斯堡，强加给了成百上千万人，如果任其自然，这些人就会生活在洞穴或帐篷里面；于是报纸和杂志重现照片，复述历史，评论艺术（不管是古老的还是当代的），批评音乐和书籍，撰写有关艺术家生活和思想的文章——简言之，去迎合少数人的需求，而这少数人以他们奇特的品位影响着我们所有的人。

Unit 3 the age of advertising

1.Most people must by now have seen the original advertisement featuring a Clifton Webb sort of gentleman wearing a white shirt and having a black patch over one eye. This advertisement sold a million Hathaway shirts in a few weeks, but few people ever found out why. The ad was a piece of abstract art of unabashed symbolism such as is reputed to outrage the ordinary man when he meets it in an art gallery, but which worked perfectly in the market place.

迄今为止, 大多数人一定看过这样一幅广告: 一位克利夫顿·韦布模样的男士穿着一件白色衬衣, 一只眼睛上蒙着黑眼罩。在仅仅几星期的时间里, 这幅广告就推销了一百万件" 哈瑟维" 牌衬衣。然而很少有人试问过为什么会这样。广告是一件抽象艺术, 是不折不扣的象征主义。据说普通人在艺术画廊里看到广告时会怒不可遏, 但是它在市场上的确管用。

2. There is no accident about this; symbolist poetry and painting were magical in theory and in practice, linking objects which had no logical connection. Modern advertising is a form of magic (“Kissing-sweet in five seconds”), and it employs all the techniques of symbolism art. It is a kind of Arabian Nights world of Aladdin lamps and genii who spring from bottles to do our bidding. In this world, as in the world of Omar Khayyam, the sorry scheme of things as they are is forever being remolded nearer to the heart’s desire. So powerful is this feature of the huge artificial, pictorialized, neon-lighted environment crated by advertising that people have gotten into the habit of living in that future environment which the ads promise. Not satisfied with the present, they live in those months ahead when the icebox will be paid for or when a course of beauty treatments and a psychiatric analysis will have brought romance and success into their lives. Advertising creates a Promised Land.

这一点绝非偶然。无论在理论上还是在实践上, 象征主义诗歌和绘画都神秘莫测, 能够把相互没有逻辑关系的东西联系起来。现代广告就是一种魔法(5 秒钟之内甜蜜接吻), 它采用了象征主义艺术的各种手法。它是天方夜谭般的世界, 有阿拉丁的神灯和魔仆, 从瓶子里钻出来为我们效劳。在这个世界上, 就像在欧玛尔·海亚姆的世界里一样, 事物的令人悲伤的格局事实上永远是按照心灵的愿望铸造的。广告创造的图文并茂五颜六色的人造环境的阵势如此强大, 以至于人们都已习惯于生活在广告所宣传的未来世界里。不满足于现实生活, 他们就生活在未来

3. National brands of commodities like Coca-Cola or Lucky Strike have away of becoming a kind of totemistic institution. Totem societies were held together collectively by the totem plant or animal. a man was not a member of the kangaroo clan or tribe; he was a kangaroo. He participated in the life of the kangaroo with his brothers; it was a kind of mystic communion or participation. Advertising, with its appeal to collective emotion, has set up national brands and totems for communal participation.

像可口可乐或红吉士这些全国性品牌的商品各有办法建立一种图腾制度。图腾社会是靠图腾植物或图腾动物维系在一起的。单独一个人就不是袋鼠家族或部落的一个成员, 他只是一只袋鼠, 他和他的弟兄们一起参与袋鼠的集体生活, 这是一种神秘的群体或参与。广告能够调动起集体情感, 为群体参与制定了全国性品牌。

Unit4 A Jazz Tradition

1.From the time of the beginning of his slavery to the time of Abolition, the American Negro was frustrated into a near silence, broken only by his wails of misery. When he was set free in 1865, his music was to span a musical lag of some three hundred years. a vigorous sound, prototypic of jazz , burst forth with the Negro’s freedom from slavery. It was to grow into a lusty, virile , and dynamic force—jazz!

从黑人奴隶制之初到奴隶解放，美国黑人遭受残酷的压制，几乎听不到他们的声音，只有凄惨的痛苦才打破这种沉寂。1865年他获得解放时，它的音乐将要弥补大约300年的音乐空白。一种为爵士乐所特有的充满活力的声音随着黑人挣脱奴隶制获得自由暴发出来了，它将成为一种朝气蓬勃的雄浑的动态力量，那就是爵士乐。

8. The blues were a rich ,social ,and personal musical language—social in that it was the creative language of a people, and personal in that it was an expression of individual thinking and feeling. For images to guide his song, the Negro drew upon what was deep down inside him .blues imagery was taken from more realistic experiences than was the biblical imagery of the spiritual. It played on the simple elements of life —love-making, eating, sleeping, working, dying; and it expressed man’s natural emotions—hope and despair, love and hate ,envy, lust, fear, jealousy, and loneliness.

布鲁斯是一种丰富的社会的也是个人的音乐语言。说它是社会的是因为它是一个民族的创造性语言；说它是个人的是因为它是个人思想和感情的表达方式。为了让形象能够指导他的歌曲，黑人吸取了积淀在他内心深处的东西。布鲁斯的形象更多的是来自现实经历而不是来自圣歌中的圣经形象，它演奏的是生活的简单成分—做爱，吃饭，睡眠，工作，死亡；它表达的是人类的自然情感—希望和绝望，爱和恨，羡慕，欲望，恐惧，嫉妒和孤独。

18. Whereas other types of folk music have developed slowly, often spanning centuries, jazz has developed in a little less than a hundred years. But, though its essential character has remained the same, today’s jazz is far different from the classic New Orleans version. Modern jazz features a style of economy and simplicity. It does not employ a dozen notes where fewer will do. it does not use an ensemble of instruments where one will express a melodic message. it does not use chord structure where a single melodic line is better, and in this sense it is akin to abstract art which reduces lines to a minimum. But it is also like expressionistic art in that its content is emotional and its texture is distorted in order to emphasize emotional qualities. As in the blues, emotional qualities and human images constitute the language of jazz.

其他类型的民间音乐友展缓慢，往往要持续好几令世纪，而爵士乐在不到100年时同里发展起来了。耳管它的基本特征没有改变，但是今天的爵士乐已经大大地不同于新奥尔良爵士乐。现代爵士乐的主要特征是经济和简短。只要不多的几个音符可以表达，就绝不使用一打音符来表达；只要一个人可以表达一种优美的意境，就绝不用一个乐队来演奏；只要一个旋律线谱更好，就绝不用和弦结构。在这个意文上讲，它类似于抽象艺术，把谱线减少到最小量。不过它也像表现派艺术，因为它的内容表达强烈的情感，力了强调情感特质，它的音乐性被扭曲了。就像布鲁斯音乐一样，情感特质和人类形象构成爵士乐的语言。

23. Further, the traditional school of music relies heavily upon a visual sense. To reproduce the literature, the student of music has been required to devote years of intensive study to reading and interpreting the printed page. Jazz has not been and is not now dependent upon visual perception. It is primarily an aural music. Its creative nature is dependent upon the ear. The transition of emphasis from the eye to the ear will be a difficulty confronting the traditional school if jazz is included in the curriculum.

再说，传统的音学学派在很大程度上依赖于视觉。力了重新创造音乐文献，学音乐的学生被要求一连几年深入钻研印刷在乐本上的乐谱。爵士乐一直没有，现在也不依赖于视觉，它基本上是一种听觉音采，它的创造性离不开耳朵。假如要把爵士乐也归纳到教学大纲里面，很大的一个困难就是实现感觉重心从眼睛到耳朵的转移。

24. The dedicated jazz man claims that his music cannot become a larger form of composition because its spontaneous nature —

improvisation —demands brevity. He holds that jazz is not jazz when the music is written down, when the expression of it becomes a reproduction of ideas conceived by another rather than the spontaneous and creative expression of the performer.

热爱爵士乐的音乐家称，他的音乐不可能成为一种更广泛的作曲形式，因为它的自发性—―即兴演奏——要求它必须简短。他认为一旦爵士乐成

了事先谱写好的，一旦它的表现成了再现另外一个人的想法而不是表达演奏者的自发性创造，那么爵士乐就不成其为爵士乐。

25. The creative jazz man of today is in tune with what happened last night and anticipates what may occur tomorrow. With the devotion of a crusader, he maintains the resilient form of composition which jazz allows. He continues to experiment with ways to capture emotional texture through the imaginative use of syncopation, dissonances, unusual tonal effects, rhythmic and melodic variations, and other sounds characteristic of jazz. He feels an obligation to protect the tradition of his art. His is a creative and

spontaneous music—a manifestation of the creative urge of the common man —for the people and by the people.

2.Listen! A young man is blowing a born!

当今富有创造性的爵士乐手表现的是昨晚所发生的事情，他预言的是明天将要发生的事情。以一个改革者的奉献精神，他保持了爵士乐所能允许保留的适应性较强的作曲形式。他继续试验各种方法，通过想象地使用切分音、不和谐音、反常的音调效果、节奏和韵律变化以及爵士乐的其他常用声音来捕捉富于情感的音乐特质。他觉得有义务保护他所热爱的艺术传统。他的音乐是一种富有创造性和自发性的音乐，它所展示的是普通人表现创造力的欲望。他由人民所享用，并由人民所创造。你听！一位青年人正在演奏小号！

Unit 5 The science of custom

1.Anthropology is the study of human beings as creatures of society. It fastens its attention upon those physical characteristics and industrial techniques, those conventions and values, which distinguish one community from all others that belong to a different tradition.

人类学是把人类作为社会动物来研究的科学，它集中研究把一个社会同属于不同传统的其他社会区别开来的那些自然特征和工业技术、传统和价值。

2.The distinguishing mark of anthropology among the social sciences is that it includes for serious study societies other than our own. For its purposes, any social regulation of mating and reproduction is as significant as our own, though it may be that of the Sea Dyaks , and have no possible historical relation to that of our civilization. To the anthropologist, our customs and those of a New Guinea tribe are two possible social schemes for dealing with a common problem, and insofar as he remains an anthropologist, he is bound to avoid ay weighting of one in favour of the other. He is interested in human behavior, not as it is shaped by one tradition, our own, but as it has been shaped by any tradition whatsoever. he is interested in the great gamut of custom that is found in various cultures, and his object is to understand the way in which these cultures change and differentiate, the different forms through which they express themselves, and the manner in which the customs of any people function in the lives of the individuals who live within a specific culture.

作为社会科学之一的人类学的区别性标志是它严肃认真研究的不仅仅是我们自己的社会，还包括别的社会。就其目的而言，任何社会有关交配和繁殖的规定跟我们自己的一样重要，尽管它有可能是迪雅克海社会的，与我们自己的文明没有一点点历史联系。对于人类学家来说，我们的习俗和一个新几内亚部落的习俗是解决同一个问题的两种可能的社会结构；只要他是一位人类学家，他肯定会竭力避免厚此薄彼。他感兴趣的是人类行为，倒不是因为它是由一种传统即我们自己的传统所形成的，而是因为它是由任何传统所形成的，不管是哪种传统。他感兴趣的是在各种文化中所发现的浩瀚的习俗范围，他的目标就是弄懂这些文化变化和相互区别的方式，搞清楚它们表达自己的不同方式，弄明白任何一个民族的习俗在某一特定文化中的个人生活中的作用方式。

3 Now custom has not been commonly regarded as a subject of any great moment. The inner workings of our own brains we feel to be uniquely worthy of investigation, but custom, we have a way of thinking, is behavior at its most commonplace. As a matter of fact, it is the other way around. Traditional custom, taken the world over, is a mass of detailed behavior more astonishing than what any one person can ever evolve in individual actions, no matter how aberrant. Yet that is a rather trivial aspect of the matter. The fact of first-rate importance is the role that custom plays in experience and in belief, and the very great varieties it may manifest.

当前，习俗并没有被看做是一门重要学科。我们觉得我们大脑的工作原理甚为独特，很值得研究，至于习俗么，我们就觉得再也普通不过了。事实正好相反。从世界范围来看，传统习俗不管有多么异常，它是一系列细微的行为方式，比任何个人在个体行为中发展的行为方式要复杂得多。然而这只是习俗的微不足道的一个方面，最主要的方面是习俗在经验和信仰中所起的作用以及它所表现出来的多样性。

3.So modern man, differentiating into Chosen People and dangerous aliens groups within his own civilization genetically and culturally related to one anther as any tribes in the Australian bush are among themselves —has the justification of a vast historical continuity behind his attitude. The Pygmies have made the same claims. We are not likely to clear ourselves easily of so fundamental a human trait, but we can at least learn to recognize its history and its hydra manifestations.

因此，现代人把自己区分成上帝的选民和危险的异族人——他自己种族内的群体，他们相互之间靠遗传和文化相互联系着，就像澳大利亚灌木地带的任何部落之间的关系一样——他的态度有着悠久的历史延续性，这样也有他的道理。俾格米人也声称他们和现代人一样。我们不大可能轻易地根除一个如此基本的人类特征，但是我们至少可以学会承认它的历史和它的多种表现方式。

4. One of these manifestations, and one which is often spoken of as primary and motivated rather by religious emotions than by this more generalized provincialism, is the attitude that has universally held in Western civilizations so long as religion remained a living issue among them. The distinction between any closed group and outside peoples becomes, in terms of religion, that between the true believers and the heathen. between these two categories for thousands of years there were no common meeting points. All institutions were seen in opposing terms. On the one side, it was a question of Divine Truth and of revelation; on the other, it was a matter of mortal error and of fables. There could be no question of understanding from objectively studied data the nature of this important human trait, religion.

这种表现方式之一就是这样一种态度，只要宗教是一个现行议题，这种态度就一直在西方文明中普遍占有一席之地。这种方式常常被看做是基本的受宗教情感驱动的，而不是受更加普遍的地方风尚驱动的，就宗教而言，任何封闭的种族与异族之间的区别实际上成了信教者和异教徒之间的区别。千百年来，这两类入之间没有任何共同点，人们总是以对立的标准审视所有的制度。一方面，这是上帝的真理和启示的问题；另一方面，这是人类的过失和神话的问题。人类特征的这种重要性质即宗教不大可能根据客观研究的资料来理解。

4. The anthropologist, whose business is to observe the course of the natural history of man, does not deal with the desirability of religious diversity. He simply notes that it exists and attempts to discover its sources. Seeking to view the development of human life as a whole, the anthropologist has somehow to bring man’s love of food and his attitude toward supernatural powers into one scheme. Everything man has done or experienced is relevant. However, the anthropologist, who does not seek to pass judgment, studies the how, not the why, of a cultural manifestation whose significance seems to be granted in fullest measure to those whose lives are most intimately bound to it.

人类学家的职责是观察人类自然历史的发展过程，他并不关心宗教差异是否可取，他只是注意到它的存在并试图找到它的根源。由于他试图从整体的角度来观察人类生命的发展过程，所以人类学家就不得不把人类对于食物的热爱和他对于超自然力量的态度放到同一个系统来考虑。人类所做的或经历过的每一件事情都是相关的。然而，人类学家并不力图做出判断，他研究的是一种文化表现的方式而不是它的原因，这种文化表现的重要意义好像已经完全赋予了那些其生活和它密不可分的人。

Unit 7 Labor, Leisure, and the New Class

1.In a society of high and increasing affluence, there are three plausible tendencies as regards toil. As the production of goods comes to seem less urgent, and as individuals are less urgently in need of income for the purchase of goods, they will work fewer hours or days in the week. Or they will work less hard. Or, as a final possibility, it may be that fewer people will work all the time.

在一个财富与日俱增的高度富足的社会，就工作而言，有三种看似合理的趋势。随着商品生产的需要变得越来越不迫切，随着个人不再迫切需要收入来购买商品，他们一周的工作时数或天数就可以减少，或者他们用不着很卖力地工作，或者作为最后一种可能性，整个时间干活的人数就比以往减少。

2 A reduction in the workweek is an exceedingly plausible reaction to the declining marginal urgency of product. In the conventional wisdom, unfortunately, the reduction in hours has emerged as the only legitimate response to increasing affluence. This is at least partly so because the issue has never been faced in terms of the increasing unimportance of goods. Accordingly, though we have attributed value to leisure, a ban still lies on other courses which seem to be more directly in conflict with established attitudes on productive efficiency. In a society rationally concerned with its own happiness, these alternatives have a strong claim to consideration. 减少一周的工作时间，这是对于产品边际需求日益减少所做出的看似极其合理的反应。不幸的是，按照一般人的看法，好像减少工作时敷成了对财富日益增加的惟一合法反应。至少部分情况是这样的，因为投有人从商品越来越不重要这个角度去正视过这个问题。因此，尽管我们已经认识到休闲的价值，但是仍然有一些事情还是行不通，这些事情似乎同人们对于生产效率的普遍态度发生了更直接的冲突。在一个理性的、关心其成员幸福的社会里，这些可供选择的方法很值得考虑。

2.The present-day industrial establishment is a great distance removed from that of the last century or even25 years ago. This improvement has been the result of a variety of forces—government standards and factory inspection, general technological and architectural advances, the fact that productivity could often be increased by substituting machine power for heavy or repetitive manual labor, the need to compete for a labor force, and union intervention to improve working conditions in addition to wages and hours.

目前的工业体系和一个世纪甚至25年前的情况大不一样。这一进步是多种力量作用的结果：政府制定标准，工厂实施检查，技术和农业方面取得全面进步，人们对于生产力只能通过机器取代繁重的重复性手工劳动这一事实的认识，竞争劳动力的需要，工会干预督促提高工资减少工作时间改进工作条件等等。

3. However, except where the improvement contributed to increased productivity, the effort to make work more pleasant has had to support a large burden of proof. It was permissible to seek the elimination of the hazardous, unsanitary, unhealthful, or otherwise objectionable conditions of work. The speed-up might be resisted —to a point. But the test was not what was agreeable but what was unhealthful or, at a minimum, excessively fatiguing. The trend toward increase leisure is not reprehensible, but we resist vigorously the notion that a man should work less hard while on a job. Here, older attitudes are involved. We are gravely suspicious of any tendency to expend less than the maximum effort, for top effort has long been a prime economic virtue.

然而，除了推动生产力这一点，力争使工作变得更加愉快的这一努力必须提供大量的证据，才能证明它是值得的。如果要改善危险的、对身体有害的或是令人作呕的工作环境，这是允许的；(雇主对雇工提出的)增产而不增加工资的要求有可能或多或少地遭到抵制。然而需要回答的问题倒不是什么舒适，而是什么对身体有害，或者起码是什么尤其累人。追求更多安逸的倾向无可厚非，不过我们坚决反对认为一个人在工作的时候应该尽量少干活这样一种观点。这里又涉及到一些陈旧的人生态度。我们非常怀疑任何希望付出少于最大努力的倾向，因为付出最大努力一直是一种主要的经济美德。

3. None the less, the basic point remains: The case for more leisure is not stronger on purely prima-facie grounds than the case for making labor time itself more agreeable. The test, it is worth repeating, is not the effect on productivity. It is not seriously argued that the shorter workweek increases productivity —that men produce more in fewer hours than they would in more. Rather, it is whether fewer hours are always to be preferred to more —but more pleasant ones.

即便如此，基本问题依然没有解决：追求更多安逸的纯粹表面理由不及把工作时间变得更加舒适的理由那么令人信服。值得重复的一点是，问题并不是对生产力会产生什么样的影响。人们没有认真讨论过这个问题：更短的周工作时间会提高生产力，人在更少的时间里会比在更多的时间里制造更多的产品。相反，人们所关心的是应该不应该在任何时候都选择更少的工作时间——而且是更加愉快的工作时间。

3. I venture to suggest that the unprofessional reader will find the ideas offered here rather reasonable and rational. Why should man struggle to maximize income when the price is many dull and dark hours of labor? Why should they do so especially to make goods more plentiful and less urgent? Why should they not seek instead to maximize the rewards of all the hours of their days? And since this is the plain and obvious aspiration of a great and growing number of the most perceptive people, why should it not be the central goal of the society? And now to complete the case, we have a design for progress. It is education or , more broadly, investment in human —as distinct from material —capital.

我敢冒昧地说，外行的读者会觉得这里所提出的一些想法是相当合理相当理性的。尽管要付出的代价是很多小时沉闷无聊的劳动，可是人类为什么还要努力增加收入?这样做的结果只能是商品更加富裕，更不缺乏，可是为什么他们还要这么做?为什么他们不反过来努力增加每一天工作时间的快乐呢?既然这是许多而且是越来越多的最有见识的人显而易见的抱负，为什么它就不能成为这个社会的主要目标呢?在结束这个话题之前，我们想提出一个改进的计划，这就是教育，或者范围更广一些，就是人类资本——以区别于物质资本——方面的投资。

3.But in the more sophisticated levels of the conventional wisdom, including those of some professional economists, any such goal will seem exceedingly undesirable. The production of material goods, urgent or otherwise, is the accepted measure of our progress. Investment in material capital is our basic engine of progress. Both this product and the means for increasing it are measurable and tangible. What is measurable is better. To talk of transferring increasing numbers of people from lives spent mostly in classical toil to lives which, for the most part, are spent pleasantly has less quantitative precision. Since investment in individuals, unlike investment in a blast furnace, provides a product that can be neither seen nor valued, it is inferior. And here the conventional wisdom unleashes its epithet of last resort. Since these achievements are not easily measured, as a goal they are “funny.” This is widely deemed to be a fatal condemnation. The precise to be sure, is usually the old and familiar. Because it is old and familiar it has been defined and measured. Thus does insistence on precision become anther of the tautological devices by which the conventional wisdom protects itself. Nor should one doubt its power.

但是按照更加复杂的传统观点的各项标准，包括一些职业经济学家的标准．任何这样的目标都很不受欢迎。不管迫切与否，物质商品的生产已经是人们所接受的衡量我们的进步的尺度。物质资本方面的投资是我们前进的基本动力。这种产品以及增加这种产品的手段都是可以衡量的，是实实在在的东西。可以衡量的就是更好的东西。一旦说让越来越多的人不要把生命浪费在传统劳作上，而是在大部分时间里都愉快地生活，这样就很难从数量的角度准确地衡量它。由于在个人方面的投资不像在炼钢炉方面的投资，它无法提供一种既能看得见又能估价的产品，所以这种投资是低级投资。这时候，传统观点总算有话可说了：既然这些成就不容易衡量，那么作为一种目标，它们就很“滑稽。”这种观点被广泛认为是一种致命的定论。诚然，能够准确衡量的东西一般是旧有的熟悉的东西。因为它是旧有的熟悉的，所以已经被定义过、衡量过了。于是准确衡量的主张又成了多此一举，传统观点正是用它来保护自己的，我们绝不应该怀疑它的能力。

4. Yet anyone who finds this analysis and these proposals sensible should not be entirely discouraged. We are in one of the contexts where circumstance has marched far beyond the conventional wisdom. We have seen how general are people’s efforts to join the New Class and how rapid is its expansion. We are not establishing a new economic and social goal but identifying one that is already widely, if but tacitly, accepted. In this situation, the conventional wisdom cannot resist indefinitely. The economist with impeccable credentials in the conventional wisdom, who believes that there is no goal in life of comparable urgency as the maximization of total and individual real income, would never think of applying such a standard to himself. In his own life he is an exponent of all the aspirations of the New Class. He educates and indoctrinates his children with but one thing in mind. It is not that they should maximize their income. This is abhorrent. He wants above all that they will have an occupation that is interesting and rewarding. On this he hopes indeed that they will take their learned parent as their model.

不过，任何一个觉得这一分析和这些建议有道理的人不必彻底感到气馁。在我们所处的环境中，情况已经远远超过传统观点的范围，我们已经看到有多少人在努力加入新阶级的行列，也看到它的扩展速度有多么快。我们并不是在制定一种新的经济和社会目标，而是在认识一种已经被广泛(假如只是悄无声息地)认可的目标。在这种情况下，传统观点就不能无限制地抵制了。在一般人眼里，经济学家学位高知识渊博，他相信生活中没有哪个目标能够同增加全民和个人的实际收入相提并论，他绝不会想到自己去身体力行这样一个标准。可是在他自减少一周的工作时间，这是对于产品边际需求日益减少所做出的看似极其合理的反应。不幸的是，按照一般人的看法，好像减少工作时敷成了对财富日益增加的惟一合法反应。至少自己的生活中，他是新阶级所有抱负的代言人。他教育孩子，只给他们灌输一样东西，并不是要他们增加收入，这是可憎的事情。首先，他要他们拥有一份有趣味有意义的职业。在这方面，他真希望孩子们会以他们学识渊博的老子为榜样。

Unit 11 The language of Colors, Myths, and Symbols

1.However, neither nature nor emotions can do more than suggest things to the mind; they do not offer a basis for a coherent system of symbols. Psychoanalysis may attribute a certain variation in the significance attached to colors to the fact that human feelings are ambivalent; thus, red can express both love and hate; yellow, the mystic impulse and deceit; and green, hope and perversity. While these extremes may explain certain traditional systems of symbols, where yellow, for instance, can stand equally for God the Omnipotent, for strikebreakers, and for a cuckold, they cannot account for a whole series of faces emerging both from the paintings of great artists and from those of mental patients. Here, the symbolism is an individual one and not that of a group, and this becomes clear when either painters or patients are questioned —when they are asked ,for example, why they have painted their fathers blue, or cypresses red. And when individual and group symbolism tally, it is not that psychological factors explain sociological features, but that, on the contrary, outward civilization imposes its standards and traditions on the individual, even though he may he mentally ill.

然而，无论自然或情感，它们所能做的只不过是给大脑提示某种事物，并不能成为统一的象征符号系统的基础。心理分析学家可能会认为颜色意义的某一变化是人类情感的矛盾性所致。所以，红色就可以表示爱与恨，黄色可以表示奠名其妙的冲动与狡诈，绿色可以表示希望与乖戾。尽管这些极端的事例可以解释某些传统的象征系统，比如．在这些系统中，黄色可同时表示万能的上帝、破坏罢工者或是奸妇的丈夫．但是它们却无法解释艺术大师和精神病人画中表现出来的一系列现象。在此，象征意义是个人的而非群体的。尤其是当问画家或病人，比如说，为什么把父亲画成蓝色或把柏树画成红色时，这一点就一目了然厂。当个体和群体象征意义相吻合时，并非是心理学因素解释了社会学特征，相反，是外在的文明将其标准和传统强加在个人身上，即使他可能患有精神病。

2. Color as the expression of certain emotional reactions must therefore be dissociated from the problem of color as a symbol. The physiological impressions of our sense organs, which cause us to talk of stimulating or depressing, cheerful or gloomy colors, may well, like the underlying impulses of the libido, converge with the cultural symbolism of color; they may also oppose it or even ignore it completely. The cultural symbolism of color must, therefore, be considered independently of physiology or psychoanalysis.

因而，颜色作为某些情感反映的表现必须与其作为象征符号这一问题分开来。正是由于我们有了感官的生理印象，我们才可以谈论刺激的色彩或是压抑的色彩，欢快的色彩或是抑郁的色彩。像情欲的内在冲动一样，我们的感官生理印象也可以与颜色的文化象征意义相融合，与之对立，或者甚至完全忽略其存在。因此，要研究颜色的文化象征意义，就必须把它同生理学或精神分析学分开来。

3. Every civilization has its system of symbols. Historians of medieval art come across many examples. In the Middle Ages, the Church specified the colors that artists were to use for the figures in religious paintings; the Virgin Mary had to have a blue robe, and Christ, who is also attired in blue during his period of preparation, is clad in black during the temptation in the wilderness, and in white or red after his resurrection. The reason for the blue garments is that the Virgin Mary and the Messiah come from heaven: black represents the encounter with the Prince of Darkness; and white and red stand for the two aspects of God’s nature, his wisdom and his love.

每一种文明都有其自身的象征体系。研究中世纪艺术的历史学家们为此提供了许多例证。例如，中世纪的画家在宗教绘画中对人物的着色是由教会来决定的：圣母玛利亚必须身着蓝色长袍；耶稣在磨练时同样身着蓝色衣服，在荒野中面对诱惑时却是一身黑色，而复活之后的他着装则是白色或红色。之所以穿蓝色衣服，是因为圣母玛利亚和弥塞亚都来自天堂；黑色代表与魔鬼的邂逅；而白色与红色则代表上帝的两种本质：智慧与仁爱。

4.The problem of symbolism is not only of theoretical interest; it also has practical implications. Although we may not believe that the system of accepted symbols depends wholly or mainly on feelings, we do believe, on the other hand, that the opposite is true and that symbols may influence feelings in certain ways. There is not only color symbolism; there is also color prejudice, which is affected by the symbolism. Examples might be taken from ancient Egypt, where the classification of beings was reflected in the order of colors, or from India, where each caste has its own color. We need only consider the forms of color prejudice at present existing among white men.

象征问题不仅有理论意义，也有实践意义。我们不一定会相信业已确认的象征符号完全或主要依赖感情而存在，但从另一方面来讲，反之亦然，即象征符号在某些方面会影响感情。不仅有颜色象征意义，也有受其影响的颜色歧视。古埃及就是一个例子，在那里生命类别以色彩的序列来体现。在印度，每一社会等级都有各自的颜色。这一点仅从现存于白人中的形形色色的肤色歧视便可见一斑。

2.We have inherited from the Greeks and Christianity the two extremes of white and black, representing purity and evil. There is the example of Theseus using the black sail to symbolize failure, and the white sail success, when he returned from Crete to Greece. In Christianity the chosen ones wear white tunics, and devils are black. And this dualism can be seen even in our playing cards!

我们从希腊人和基督教那里继承了两种极端的颜色：白色和黑色，分别象征纯洁与邪恶。以忒修斯的故事为例，从克里特返回希腊时，他挂黑帆表示失败，挂白帆表示成功。在基督教中，上帝的选民穿白色的短袖外衣，而魔鬼则是黑色的。这种二元性甚至在我们玩的扑克牌中都能看出来。

3. Although we do not realize it, this association of black with hell, death, the shades of night, and sin, inevitably influences the European view of Africans, as if the color of their skin had laid a curse upon them. This is so true that when someone white is speaking of a Negro whom he admires or of one who has become integrated into the white civilization, he may say that though the person in question is Negro, he has the “soul of a white man “as if, in order to make him acceptable, he must at all costs discover something white in the Negro.

尽管我们没有意识到，但是人们把黑色同地狱、死亡、夜的阴影、罪恶等联系起来，这种联想不可避免地影响到欧洲人对非洲人的看法，好像他们的肤色是对他们的一种诅咒。这的确如此，甚至白人谈及他所敬仰的或已经融入白人文化中的某个黑人时，他会说尽管此人是黑人但却有着“白人的灵魂”，好像他必须不惜一切代价从这个黑人的身上找到些许“白”的东西，才能使他能够被人接受。

Unit 13 Society and the Individual

1.The object of this Essay is to assert one very simple principle as entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the individual in the way of compulsion and control, whether the means used be physical force in the form of legal penalties, or the moral coercion of public opinion. That principle is, that the sole end for which mankind is warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self-protection. That the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to du so, because it will make him happier, because, in the opinions of others, to do so would be wise, or eve right. These are good reasons for remonstrating with him, or reasoning with him, or persuading him but not for compelling him, or visiting him with any evil in case he do otherwise. To justify that, the conduct from which it is desired to deter him must be calculated to produce evil to some one else. The only part of the conduct for any one, for which he is amenable to society, is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself, his independence is, of right, absolute. Over himself, over his own body and mind , the individual is sovereign.

本文的目的是要阐明一个非常简单的道理，即社会有权力以强迫和管理的方式完全控制个人，不管这种方式是法律惩治的物质力量还是公众舆论的道德谴责。这个原则是，无论个人，还是集体，人类干涉其任何一位成员的行为自由的唯一目的是为了自我保护；在违背个人意愿的情况下，对文明社会的任何一位成员合法行使权利的唯一目的是为了阻止他伤害别人。他本人的利益，无论是物质方面的还是道德方面的，都不足以成为理由。不能因为这样做对他有好处，能给他带来更多的快乐，或者因为在别人看来这样做是明智的甚至是正确的，就合法地，强制他去做或去忍受。要同他争论或讲道理，要劝说他，这些都是充分的理由，但是这不能成为为了防止他干出格的事情而强迫他或用任何对其不利的行为来惩罚他的理由。为证明其合理性，所采取的阻止他的行为必须在他人看来能够带来不良的后果。对任何人而言，他的行为仅仅只是对社会负有责任的那部分才与他人有关。仅关涉他自己的那部分行为，他当然是绝对独立的。就其自身，他的肉体和灵魂而言，个人是至高无上的。

2.It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to say that this doctrine is meant to apply only to human beings in the maturity of their faculties. We are not speaking of children, or of young persons below the age which the law may fix as that of manhood or womanhood. Those who are still in a state to require being taken care of by others must be protected against their own actions as well as against external injury. For the same reason, we may leave out of consideration those backward states of society in which the race itself may be considered as in its nonage. The early difficulties in the way of spontaneous progress are so great, that there is seldom any choice of means for overcoming them; and a ruler full of the spirit of improvement is warranted in the use of any expedients that will attain an end, perhaps otherwise unattainable. Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement, and the means justified by actually effecting that end. Liberty, as a principle, has no application to any state of things anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of being improved by free and equal discussion. Until then, there is nothing for them but implicit obedience to an Akbar or a Charlemagne, if they are so fortunate as to find one. But as soon as mankind have attained the capacity of being guided to their own improvement by conviction or persuasion (a period long since reached in all nations with whom we need here concern ourselves), compulsion, either in the direct for or in that of pains and penalties for noncompliance, is no longer admissible as a means to their own good, and justifiable only for the security of others.

也许无需指出，该学说仅适用于各种能力已经成熟的人，我们不是指孩子或者年龄低于法律所承认的成年年龄的人。那些依然受别人监护的人不仅需要保护，以免受到外来的伤害，而且他们自己的行为也需要受到保护。同样的道理，我们可以不考虑那些落后的部落，在这样的部落里种族本身被认为是处于未成年时期。有关自发进步的早期困难是如此之大，以至于几乎没有什么可以选择的办法来克服它们。所以富有改良精神的统治者就有理由使用任何可以实现其目的的权宜之计，否则这个目的也许就无法实现。专制政治是对付野蛮人的合法政府形式，只要这样做的目的是为了改良他们，一旦真正实现了这一目的，所采取的措施也就是正当的。作为一种法则，在人类还不能通过自由平等的讨论来改良自身之前，自由不能用来处理任何事态。在此之前，他们所能做的事情只能是盲目地服从阿克巴或查理曼式的统治者，假如他们很幸运有这样一位统治者的话。然而一旦人类获得在信念或劝说的指导下改良自己的能力（我们所谈论的所有国家早就达到这一阶段了），无论是以直接的方式还是因为不顺从而以折磨和惩罚的方式，强制已经不再被看做是为了他们自身的好处而接受，不再仅仅因为它是为了别人的安全而显得合理。

3.Editor’s Note: The individual’s right to think and act for himself needs constant defense and reassertion. All human action should aim at creating, maintaining, and increasing the greatest happiness of the greatest number of people. Actions are right when they do that; wrong when they do not. A good society is one in which the greatest possible number of persons enjoy the greatest possible amount of happiness. One of the most important ways for society to ensure that its members will be able to contribute their maximum to creating, preserving and increasing the greatest happiness of the greatest number is to extend to them the right to think and act for themselves.

编者按：个人自由思考和做事的权利需要不断的保护和反复重申。人类的一切行为应该委创造、维护和增加最大多数人的尽可能多的幸福。这样做，他们的行为就是正确的；不这样做，他们的行为就是错误的。一个良好的社会是这样一个社会，其中最大多数的人享受尽可能多的幸福。社会可以保证它的成员做出最大的贡献来创造、维护和增加尽可能多的人的尽可多的幸福的最重要途径之一就是赋予他们自由思考和做事的权利。

4. This is not a defense of irresponsibility. The phrase “think and act for yourself” does not mean “think and act as you please.” It is a protest against external “authority.” It is a protest against groups, governments, or institutions which would tell people what to think and what to do, refusing to leave them to work these things out for themselves.

这并不是替不负责任辩解。“自由思考和做事”并不意味着“随心所欲地思考和做事。”它是对于外界“权威”的一种反叛，它是对于那些动辄告诉人们该怎样想怎样做而拒绝让他们自已去解决这些问题的团体、政府或机构的反叛。

5.When Mill’s point is stated thus simply and baldly, there is no need to argue its present relevance. It would seem to be even more timely than it was in 1895. There is on the part of a large and increasing number of groups, institutions, and governments a tendency to discourage individuals from thinking and acting for themselves. This is true in morals, in religion, in education, in economics, and in politics. There is also, today, on the part of individuals a tendency to accept this discouragement and surrender their right to think and act for themselves.

穆勒的观点表述得如此简单坦率，所以没有必要再论证它与现实的相关性。他的观点似乎比在1859年还要适时。现在，许多而且是越来越多的团体、机构和政府有一种压制个人自由思考和做事的倾向。在道德领域，在宗教领域，在教育界，在经济学界，在政界尤其如此。而且如今的个

Unit 14 The Fabric of Meaning

1.There are relatively few people today who are born to an environment which gives them spiritual support. Only persons of some imagination and effective intelligence can picture such an environment and deliberately seek it. They are the few who feel drawn to some realm of reality that contains their ultimate life-symbols and dictates activities which may acquire ritual value. Men who follow the sea have often a deep love for that hard life, which no catalogue of its practical virtues can account for. But in their dangerous calling they feel secure; in their comfortless quarters they are at ease. Waters and ships, heaven and storm and harbor, somehow contain the symbols through which they see meaning and sense in the world, a “justification,”as we call it, of trouble, a unified conception of life where by it can be rationally lived. Any man who loves his calling loves it for more than its use; he loves it because it seems to have “meaning.” A scholar who will defy the world in order to write or speak what he knows as “scientific truth,” the Greek philosopher who chose to die rather than protest against Athens, the feminists to whom woman suffrage was a “cause “ for which they accepted ridicule as well as punishment, show how entirely realistic performances may point beyond themselves, and acquire the value of super-personal acts, like rites. They are the forms of devotion that have replaced genuflexions, sacrifices, and solemn dances.

如今，一出生就能从其生活环境中获得精神支持的人差不多寥寥无几，只有那些具有一定想象力和相当智力的人才能在内心勾画出这样一种环境并刻意去追求它。他们是那些极少数为现实环境所吸引的人，这种现实环境中包含他们最根本的人生象征，规定他们的行为，这些行为逐渐可以获得习俗的价值。经常出海的人热爱他们艰辛的生活；尽管这种生活有许多美德，却无法解释清楚它的意义。然而，正是这种危险的职业让他们感到安全，正是这种颠沛流离的生活让他们感到自在。大海和轮船，天空和风暴，还有港湾，在某种意义上，它们都包含了某些象征，透过这些象征他们能够领悟出这个世界的意义和价值，也就是我们所说的受苦的“理由”，它们是一种综合的生活观念。有了这样的观念，才会过理性的生活。任何一个热爱自己职业的人不仅仅因为它有用才热爱它，他热爱它是因为职业好像具有某种“意义”。藐视世界以便可以写作或宣讲自己所知为科学真理的东西的学者、宁死也不反对雅典的希腊哲学家、把妇女选举权看做是一种“事业”因此饱受嘲弄和惩罚的女权主义者，他们都表明现实行为像各种习俗一样，完全有超越自身，获得超个人行为价值的倾向，它们是取代了屈膝、跪拜、献祭、圣舞的祈祷形式。

2. A mind that is oriented in material and social realities, no matter by what conscious or unconscious symbols, can function freely and confidently even under great pressure of circumstance and in the face of hard problems. Its life is a smooth and skillful shuttling to and fro between sign-functions and symbolic functions and a steady interweaving of sensory interpretations, linguistic responses, inferences, memories, imaginative prevision, factual knowledge, and tacit appreciations. Dreams can possess it at night and work off the heaviest load of self-expressive needs, and evaporate before the light of day; its further self-expressions being woven intelligently into the nexus of practical behavior. Ritual comes to it as a natural response to the “holiness” or importance of real occasions. In such a mind, doubts of the “meaning of life “are not apt to arise, for reality itself is intrinsically “meaningful”: it incorporates the symbols of Life and Death, Sin and Salvation. For a balanced active intelligence, reality is historical fact and significant form, the all-inclusive realm of science, myth, art, and comfortable common sense.

一种面向物质和现实社会的思想倾向，不管是由于何种有意识或无意识的象征符号，在环境的重压下，在面临严峻问题时，都能表现得从容自如。它的生命在符号功能与象征功能之间自如灵活地往来穿梭，在感官诠释、语言反应、推断、记忆、富有想象力的前瞻、事实性知识以及悄无声息的鉴别之间不断交替。晚上，梦境来临，消除自我表现欲望的重负；天亮之时，梦境在晨光初现时飘然而去。而思想进一步表现自我的方式则被巧妙地融入实际行为的核心。习俗对它来说是一种针对“神圣”或重要的真实场合所作出的反应。在这样的思想中，不大会萌发对于·生活意义”的怀疑，因为现实本身就很有意义：它包含着生与死、罪过与超度的象征。对于心态平衡、思想活跃而又天资聪慧的人来说，现实就是历史事实，就是庄严的形式，就是无所不包的科学、神话、艺术以及人们喜闻乐见的常识的王国。

3.But a theory of mind whose keynote is the symbolic function, whose problem is the morphology of significance, is not obliged to draw that bifurcating line between science and folly. It can see these ructions and upheavals of the modern mind not as lapses of rational interest cause by animal impulse, but as the exact contrary—as a new phase of savagedom, indeed, but inspired by the rational need of envisagement and understanding. The springs of European thought have run dry —those deep springs of imagination that furnish the basic concepts for a whole intellectual order, the first discernment, the generative ideas of our Weltanschauung. New conceptual forms are crowding them out, but are themselves in the mythical phase, the “implicit” stage of symbolic formulation. We cannot analyze the contents of those vast symbols —Race, Unity, Manifest Destiny, Humanity —over which we fight so ruthlessly; if we could, it would mean that they were already furnishing discursive terms, clear issues, and we would all be busy philosophizing instead of waging holy wars. We would have the new world that humanity is dreaming of, and would be eagerly building the edifice of knowledge out of new insights. It is the sane, efficient, workaday business of free minds—discursive reasoning about well-conceived problems —that is disturbed or actually suspended in this apparent age of unreason; but the force which governs that age is still the force of mind , the impulse toward symbolic formulation, expression, and understanding of experience.

然而，一种以象征功能为其主导原则，以意义形态学为其主要研究对象的思想理论，则无需把科学同愚昧截然分开来。它认为当代思潮中的喧闹和纷乱并不是动物冲动所引起的理智的丧失，恰恰相反，它是野蛮时代的新阶段，的确如此，只不过是受到想象和理解等理性需要的启发而已。欧洲思想的源泉已经干涸，那些为整个知识界提供了基本观念的深邃的想象力的源泉，为我们提供了最初级的洞察力，为我们的世界观提供了有生成能力的思想的源泉已经干涸。因为各种各样的新观念正在排挤它们，不过这些新观念本身尚处于神话阶段，处于象征主义的“含蓄”的构想阶段。我们无法分析这些丰富的象征符号的内容——种族、合一运动、命运扩张说、入学等，我们为之血战到底。假如我们能分析它们的内容的话，那就意味着它们已经为我们提供论证术语和清晰明了的议题，我们就会忙于解惑授遭而不是发动圣战，我们就能找到人类所梦想的新世界，我们就会积极地用新的洞察力来建造知识大厦。在这个显然是非理性的时代里，被扰乱或实际上被闲置起来的正是自由精神所能从事的健全、高效的日常事务，即论证推理深思熟虑的问题。然而，制约那个时代的力量依然是精神的力量，即通过象征主义构想、表达和理解经验的力量。4. The continual pursuit of meanings —wider, clearer, more negotiable, more articulate meanings —is philosophy. It permeates all mental life: sometimes in the conscious form of metaphysical thought, sometimes in the free confident manipulation of established ideas to derive their more precise, detailed implications, and sometimes —in the greatest creative periods —in the form of passionate mythical, ritual, and devotional expression. In primitive society such expression meets with little or no obstacle, for the first dawn of mentality has nothing to regret. Only as one culture supersedes another, every new insight is bought with the life of an older certainty. The confusion of form and content which characterizes our worship of life symbols works to the frustration of well-ordered discursive reason; men act inappropriately, blindly, and viciously; but what they are thus wildly and mistakenly trying to do is human , intellectual, and necessary. Standards of science and ethics must condemn it, for its overt form is rife with error; traditional philosophy must despair of it because it cannot meet any epistemological criterion; but in a wider philosophy of symbolism it finds a measure of understanding. If there is any virtue in the theory of what I have called “symbolic transformation”, then this theory should elucidate not only the achievements of that function, but also its miscarriages, its limitations, and its by-products of illusion and error. Freedom of thought cannot be reborn without throes; language, art, morality, and science have all given us pain as well as power. For, as Professor Whitehead has frankly and humbly declared:” error is the price we pay for progress.”

哲学就是对于各种意义的不懈追求，以获得更广泛、更明白、更容易理解、更清楚的意义。它渗透到一切精神生活领域；有时候表现为有意识的形而上学思想的形式，有时候表现为自由大胆地运用现存思想去探索更精确、更翔实的含义，而有时候——在最有创造力的时候，它以神话般的、习俗的、虔诚的方式表达其思想。在原始的社会里，这种表达方式很少或者根本不会遇到任何障碍，因为思想的第一缕曙光没有任何过失，所以没有让人感到遗憾的地方。只有当一种文化取代另一种文化的时候，每一种新的眼光就会取代更陈旧的观念。一旦混淆了体现我们崇拜人生象征的形式和内容，就会推翻合理的论证前提。人们的行为是不得体的，盲目的，不道德的，然而他们这样狂热、错误地努力是符合人性的，是追求知识的，是必不可少的。按照科学和伦理学的标准，人们的这种行为是应该谴责的，因为它外在的形式充满了错误。传统哲学一定会对它感到绝望，因为它达不到任何认识论的标准。然而，在更加广泛的象征主义原理中，它能找到一种理解的方法。如果我称之为“象征转换”的理论中有任何优点的话，那么这种理论应该不仅能阐明它的功能的好处，而且也能够说明它的缺陷，它的局限性以及它的副产品，如幻想和错误。思想自由的再生少不了阵痛。语言、艺术、道德规范以及科学给予我们的不仅仅是力量，而且也有痛苦。因为，正如怀特黑德教授坦率谦虚地指出的那样：“错误是我们为进步所付出的代价。”