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服装设计中英文对照外文翻译文献

服装设计中英文对照外文翻译文献
服装设计中英文对照外文翻译文献

服装设计中英文对照外文翻译文献

(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)

College men’s fashion

A brief review of the literature on the social psychology of clothing reveals that young women are more frequently research participants than men . This may be because women far outnumber men in majoring in clothing design and apparel merchandising and thus are more easily accessible as research participants than men. Regardless of why clothing research includes more women as research participants, this focus on women has resulted in a dearth of research on young men. In support of this, Reilly and Rudd (2007) report that research has investigated men’s clothing preferences and habits to a lesser extent than women’s. men’s ideas about fashion and its importance in their lives have been overlooked. Despite the limited research on young men, consumer groups comprised

of college men are important to commercial marketers in terms of expenditure in men’s apparel and accessories. According to Statista, in 2012 the expenditure on men’s clothing goods in the United States was $22.2 billion. Men purchased footwear the most, followed by shirts and suits. Prior research has also shown that men’s interest in fashion is on the rise, leading to an increase in men’s apparel sales .

Historically, women have been much more conscious about their appearance than men, but in recent times there appears to have been a change in this level of focus on appearance among men. Specifically, young men in Generation Y who have been socialized by mass media and marketing activities have become appearance conscious, which leads to apparel consumption (Kacen 2000; Patterson and Elliot 2002). Young men usually use dress to communicate their identities (Shete 2012), and their aspirations toward communicating this may influence their apparel consumption (Kang et al. 2011). Understanding the relationship between college-aged men’s identities and their clothing choices provides apparel marketers with useful information to develop effective strategies to produce and market clothes in accordance with the common values with which this group strives to identify.

According to Hogg and Banister (2001), individuals can either have a positive reference point (i.e., desired end state) or a negative reference point (i.e., undesired end state) that they use to achieve their desired

identities. So far, much research has been conducted on the positive aspects of consumers’ consumption choice. A lack of research into the negative aspects of consumption choice motivated us to question their impact on consumer behavior. Consumers’ avoidance behavior allows them to create further distance between themselves and their undesired identities (Hogg and Banister 2001), staying within the threshold of their desired identities. Thus, this research focuses on the clothing and style that college men avoid. An exploratory study was conducted on men attending a major midwestern university. On the basis of the results of the exploratory study, research interview questions for any further studies will be modified to address the research problem appropriately.

The purpose of the exploratory study was to investigate what clothing college men prefer, what identities they achieve through their clothing, and what they want to avoid in their clothing choices. Our research questions were as follows: (1) Does college-aged men’s clothing reflect their identities and what do they want to express through their clothing choices? and (2) What undesired identities (related to aspects of an avoided self) do college-aged men avoid in their clothing choices? Literature review

Social identity theory

Social identity theory as conceptualized by Tajfel and Turner (1979) refers to perceived identity of the groups to which people belong

(Tajfel 1982). Social identity theory posits that a person’s self-concept is based on his or her group membership. This theory consists of two dimensions: social identity and personal identity (Howard 2000;

Tajfel 1982). Social identity reflects membership in various social groups (e.g., clubs, social class), and personal identity represents the unique attributes that differentiate one person from another (Howard 2000; Tajfel 1982). In complex social environments, young people can use their identification with in-groups (i.e., their own group) versus out-groups (i.e., other groups) (Ogilvie 1987) to align their appearance (i.e., the total and composite image created by clothing) with a desired social group and to differentiate themselves from the undesired, or avoidance, reference group (Banister and Hogg 2004). Thus, social identities provide status to young men and enhance their self-esteem.

Research has used social identity theory to investigate the effects of men’s identities on the use of dress (i.e., all material objects added to body). For example, Kang et al. (2011) used social identity theory as a theoretical framework to investigate the relationship between young professional men’s perceptions of work identity and their use of dress. They found that the young men who felt incomplete in their work identity used dress as a symbol to construct their identities. Thus, in this study, we used social identity theory as a theoretical foundation to examine the relationship between college men’s identities and their clothing choices.

Men’s identities with fashion

According to Kratz and Reimer (1998), fashion is filled with meanings and symbols, through which people can visually communicate with one another in a rapid and direct manner. Fashion enables people to express their views about themselves and their identities through the use of clothing; it allows them to visually communicate who they are, who they want to be, what type of social group they want to belong to, and whom they do not want to be associated with the most (Shete 2012). Furthermore, Bennett (2005) states that fashion is one of the channels through which people can most readily give voice to their identities. Beyond words, people can convey themselves through dress and fashion, thus creating their social identity. Fashion’s essential role in providing people with means to build, shape, and communicate their identities is especially prominent in larger metropolitan cities where they “mingle with crowds of strangers and have only fleeting moments to impress them” (Bennett 2005, p 96).

Men identify themselves through various ways. For example, some men may identify themselves through their body appearance, while others may show their identities by the way they dress; Hathcote and Kim (2008) note that men represent themselves through how they dress. Moreover, many men care about what they wear and how they wear it on a daily basis and also care about how others perceive them. As part of campus

society, college students also spend time on how they dress. Some male students prefer wearing sweatpants or baggy basketball shorts at school, while others prefer wearing polo shirts and casual pants. The way male college students choose their outfits for school represents their different personalities and identities. For example, some male students wear athletic clothing to show off their masculinity. This is consistent with Lunceford (2010, p. 66), who argues that “male students choose a specific article of clothing because of how it makes them feel or because it downplays what they consider to be unattractive aspects of their bodies while accentuating their best features.”

Researchers have conducted studies related to the importance of clothing and fashion for identity creation and communication. For example, Piacentini and Mailer (2004) found that young people in the United Kingdom tended to use clothing to show similarity between themselves and the groups they wished to be identified with, and as a channel to establish potential friendships. Schofield and Schmidt (2005) examined the importance of clothes used in constructing and communicating gay men’s personal a nd group identities with a sample of Manchester-based respondents. They shaped individual gay identity through different levels (i.e., community level, neo-tribal level, and situational level) and found that gay identity emerged through clothing choices. In their study, gay identity is shared on a gay community level to

express “gayness” to others; on a neo-tribal level to show “belonging” to a social gay cohort with shared experience and emotions; and on a situational level to make themselves blend in with wherever they are (Schofield and Schmidt 2005).

As mentioned previously, young people in complex social environments can use their identification with in-groups versus

out-groups (Ogilvie 1987) to align their appearance with a desired social group, and to differentiate themselves from the undesired, or avoidance, reference group (Banister and Hogg 2004). In their study of a sample of British consumers, Banister and Hogg (2004) found that many consumers wore safe clothing items (e.g., simple clothes, which would be interpreted positively) to avoid censure rather than risky items. If such fears of folly and negative attention are present in male consumers, certain commonalities among them can be identified. Eisler and Skidmore (1987) proposed that men’s gender-role expectations contributed to fears about lack of athleticism, emotional intimacy, intimacy with other men (or homophobia), and failure. If the feminine, unathletic, impotent man is representative of perceived undesirability among men, symbolic identifiers of those traits can be indicative of young men’s labeling of avoidance reference groups and the “avoided self.” Thus, men’s fashion conservatism (i.e., dressing in a masculine way according to social norms) could be partially attributed to the generalized fear of appearing

“feminine” (Kimmel 1994).

Aversion to alternative styles

The aversion to alternative styles was accompanied by several rationales. One respondent said he avoided skinny jeans (often associated with “skater” and “emo” culture) simply “for comfort.” Another respondent avoided dark and alternative styles to “avoid negative stigmas” and possible associations with low intelli gence related to group think. However, the majority of the respondents who said they avoid alternative styles were unable to explain their aversion. Mentions of dislike of alternative clothing were often supplied first and with little hesitation, suggesting that this is a somewhat automatic and marked dislike for those respondents.

One respondent said he avoids wearing black and looking gothic because his friends do not wear those styles, suggesting a fear of ostracism when wearing alternative clothing. In a similar vein, one respondent included that he “doesn’t want to lead people to believe he is dark.” A 23-year-old Caucasian respondent, when asked if he avoided any styles of clothing, said: “Gothic stuff for sure, dark clothing or Hot Topic stuff. I don’t want to be associated with them and I hate the people that wear that stuff, like spiked belts.” This type of sentiment occurred almost exclusively among Caucasian respondents from middle- and

upper-middle-class backgrounds. The fear of social scrutiny and

ostracism, along with a general stigma regarding alternative and

counter-culture, appears to be the most common motivation for avoiding alternative styles.

Aversion to gangster styles

Gangster styles were mentioned often, and responses often indicated social and racial prejudices, in addition to the fear of social judgment. Many respondents associated “big” and “baggy” clothing with gangster style. Race emerged as a definite component of this aversion. All but one of the respondents who listed gangster style as an avoided style identified as Caucasian. One respondent directly indicted his aversion to wearing clothes “a black person would wear,” suggesting that affiliation with the African American culture would be undesirable. Other variants included an av ersion to “swag gear” and “thug style.” Another respondent even used a variant of a racial slur to express his avoidance of

gangster-inflected styles. The respondents supplied little additional justification for avoiding this style, and when asked to expound on their preference, three claimed that they were unable to provide further information.

Aversion to gay styles

Three respondents expressed avoiding clothing that could be regarded as “gay.” The wearing of skinny jeans, jean shorts, V-neck shirts, or cardigans was perceived as indicative of homosexuality, according to

the interview data. The inclusion of these items of clothing specifically indicates an association of form-fitting clothing and low necklines with effeminacy and gay culture. Respondents expressed a desire to represent themselves accurately, and those who claimed to avoid gay-inflected clothing suggested that it was undesirable on the grounds that (1) they disliked gay culture, (2) they wanted to express their heterosexuality, and (3) they wanted to avoid speculation from others that they were homosexual. In this regard, homophobic sentiments, a desire for accurate self-representation, and a fear of social judgment all seemed to be components of these respondents’ desire to avoid clothing per ceived as being worn by gay men. Another respondent said that he refused to wear any clothing from the “women’s section,” and though this does not necessary relate to the avoidance of gay style, it does represent an

often-related fear of gender-role deviation. Thus, an avoided self and avoidance behavior were important factors in clothing choice, supporting earlier findings from Hogg and Banister’s (2001) study in which dislikes and distastes of college men were associated with negative symbolic consumption. This sentiment is demonstrated by another respondent’s notion that said, “you know that there are certain things that you don’t want to buy because you don’t want to project yourself in a negative way.” They proposed that a greater understanding of the impact of negative symbolic consumption on consumers product rejection could

外文文献翻译中性化服装设计

外文文献原文+译文 原文 The study on the design of neuter clothing H ous e W Abstract Social and economic development, social thought, opening up and the progress of science and technology, men and women style presented the diversified pattern of neuter the fuzzy gender differences in style, from the beginning of non-mainstream des ign till n ow has develop ed i nt o on e of the mains t ream fas hi on d es ign style. Fashion brands have launched in recent years, the neutral flavor of fashion, neuter clothing market share of more and more, neutral fashion, with its broad group of sex leads the urban street fashion. Neutralization of free and open way of life style, gave people a comfortable and enjoyable. K ey words: Neut e r; Cl ot hing; Gender roles; Design 1 Introduction The beginning of the 20th century the rise of the feminist movement, make the neutral clothing as a kind of style into the line of sight of people. In the 90 s, the neutral clothing has used by each big brand clothing as one of the fashionable e lement s, s uc h a s dust coa t w i th a ne ut ral style, s ui ts, t-shirt s and j e ans have bec om e people like everyday clothes. Neuter clothing style is a simple, pure; reject all multifarious mincing, personalized style. As a special kind of clothing style, neuter clothing fashion has been intensified in the social life, so it is necessary for us to study the clothing neutralization phenomenon, to study its causes and the development of sociology. This article mainly from the sociological association as well as the relationship between men and women clothing and gender status in the society, which is based on analyzing the change of the study the social basis of the neutral clothing appear; Again from the social system, economic development, cultural trend and fashion designers to the influence of the neutral clothing style, etc., it is concluded that the neuter clothing phenomenon is the development of social consciousness, the sexual role transformation, the new clothing design trends are affecting the results.

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设计,“其实质是使以信息,形成以思想,言论和感觉的经验”。 在唐朝( 618-906 )之间的第4和第7世纪的木块被切断打印纺织品和后重现佛典。阿藏印在868是已知最早的印刷书籍。 在19世纪后期欧洲,尤其是在英国,平面设计开始以独立的运动从美术中分离出来。蒙德里安称为父亲的图形设计。他是一个很好的艺术家,但是他在现代广告中利用现代电网系统在广告、印刷和网络布局网格。 于1849年,在大不列颠亨利科尔成为的主要力量之一在设计教育界,该国政府通告设计在杂志设计和制造的重要性。他组织了大型的展览作为庆祝现代工业技术和维多利亚式的设计。 从1892年至1896年威廉?莫里斯凯尔姆斯科特出版社出版的书籍的一些最重要的平面设计产品和工艺美术运动,并提出了一个非常赚钱的商机就是出版伟大文本论的图书并以高价出售给富人。莫里斯证明了市场的存在使平面设计在他们自己拥有的权利,并帮助开拓者从生产和美术分离设计。这历史相对论是,然而,重要的,因为它为第一次重大的反应对于十九世纪的陈旧的平面设计。莫里斯的工作,以及与其他私营新闻运动,直接影响新艺术风格和间接负责20世纪初非专业性平面设计的事态发展。 谁创造了最初的“平面设计”似乎存在争议。这被归因于英国的设计师和大学教授Richard Guyatt,但另一消息来源于20世纪初美国图书设计师William Addison Dwiggins。 伦敦地铁的标志设计是爱德华约翰斯顿于1916年设计的一个经典的现代而且使用了系统字体设计。 在20世纪20年代,苏联的建构主义应用于“智能生产”在不同领域的生产。个性化的运动艺术在俄罗斯大革命是没有价值的,从而走向以创造物体的功利为目的。他们设计的建筑、剧院集、海报、面料、服装、家具、徽标、菜单等。 Jan Tschichold 在他的1928年书中编纂了新的现代印刷原则,他后来否认他在这本书的法西斯主义哲学主张,但它仍然是非常有影响力。 Tschichold ,包豪斯印刷专家如赫伯特拜耳和拉斯洛莫霍伊一纳吉,和El Lissitzky 是平面设计之父都被我们今天所知。 他们首创的生产技术和文体设备,主要用于整个二十世纪。随后的几年看到平面设计在现代风格获得广泛的接受和应用。第二次世界大战结束后,美国经济的建立更需要平面设计,主要是广告和包装等。移居国外的德国包豪斯设计学院于1937年到芝加哥带来了“大规模生产”极简到美国;引发野火的“现代”建筑和设计。值得注意的名称世纪中叶现代设计包括阿德里安Frutiger ,设计师和Frutiger字体大学;保兰德,从20世纪30年代后期,直到他去世于1996年,采取的原则和适用包豪斯他们受欢迎的广告和标志设计,帮助创造一个独特的办法,美国的欧洲简约而成为一个主要的先驱。平面设计称为企业形象;约瑟夫米勒,罗克曼,设计的海报严重尚未获取1950年代和1960年代时代典型。 从道路标志到技术图表,从备忘录到参考手册,增强了平面设计的知识转让。可读性增强了文字的视觉效果。 设计还可以通过理念或有效的视觉传播帮助销售产品。将它应用到产品和公司识别系统的要素像标志、颜色和文字。连同这些被定义为品牌。品牌已日益成为重要的提供的服务范围,许多平面设计师,企业形象和条件往往是同时交替使用。

服装英语论文

服装英语论文 文章一 Change Of Chinese Clothing Tradition An outstanding characteristic of traditional Chinese clothing is not only an external expression of elegance, but also an internal symbolism. Each and every piece oftraditionalclothing communicates a vitality of its own. This combination of external form with internal symbolism is clearly exemplified in the pair of fighting pheasant feathers used in head wear originating in the battle wear of the Warring States period (475-221 B.C.). Two feathers of a ho bird (a type pheasant good at fighting) were inserted into the head wear of warriors of this period to symbolize a bold and warlike spirit. Archaeological findings of 18,000 year-old artifacts such as bone sewing needles and stone beads and shells with holes bored in them attest to the existence of ornamentation and of sewing extremely early in Chinese civilization. Variety and consistency in clothing were roughly established by the era of the Yellow Emperor and the Emperors Yao and Shun (about 4,500 years ago). Remains of woven silk and hemp articles and ancient ceramic figures further demonstrate the sophistication and refinement of clothing in the Shang Dynasty (16th to 11th century B.C.). The three main types of traditional Chinese clothing are the pien-fu, the ch'ang-p'ao, and the shen-i. The pien-fu is an ancient two-piece ceremonial costume of a tunic-like top extending to the knees and a skirt or trousers extending to the ankles. The ch'ang-p'ao is a one-piece garment extending from the shoulders all the way to the heels. The shen-i is a cross between the pien-fu and the ch'ang-p'ao; it consists of a tunic and a skirt or trousers like the pien-fu, but the tunic and the skirt are sewed together and essentially one piece like the chang-pao. Consequently, the shen-i was the most widely worn of the three types. Typical of these three types of clothing were wide and voluminous sleeves and a very loose fit. Tunic and trousers or tunic and skirt, utilized a very minimum number of stitches for the amount of cloth used. So because of their relatively plain design and structure, embroidered edgings, decorated bands, draped cloth or silks, patterns on the shoulders, and sashes were often added as ornamentation. These varied designs came to be one of the unique features of traditional Chinese dress. Darker colors were favored over lighter ones in traditional Chinese clothing, so the main color of ceremonial clothing tended to be dark while bright, elaborate tapestry designs accented. Lighter colored clothing was worn more frequently by the common people for everyday and around the house use. The Chinese associate certain colors with specific seasons: green represents spring, red symbolizes summer, white represents autumn, and

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